Conclave Explaining the Conclave

 

There's an election in the Vatican, soon we'll have another supreme pontiff. The College of Cardinals has released this infographic to explain the composition of the Papal Conclave. I've seen much confusion other its factions, so to help out the damned heathens curious, I've made use of Edward Berger's movie Conclave to make the distinctions more clear.

The Bergoglian Shepherds (I decent name for a band that mixes folk with heavy metal) are the Cardinals who were given that position by Pope Francis. It's a bit like the Mafia and the concept of a `Made Man`. They're expected to support Francis 2.0 in the election. The Progressives are either Cardinals who predate Francis or Bergoglians who moved to support reforms too extreme for Francis, if you're looking for supporters of women as priests and marriage for clergymen they'll probably be amongst that number.

The Peripherals are well the undecided, or moderates or independent voters. They could go either way. If you're curious about the distinction between the Conservatives and the Traditionalists, well to simplify the former run the range between thinking Francis has done enough reforms and changes and no more is needed to wanting to reverse some, or most or even all of Francis' reforms. The Traditionalists meanwhile are the fanatics who despise Vatican II, want to go back to Latin services and probably lament the end of the Inquisition in private.  

I've seen some be surprised that the Cardinals College leans heavily towards reform in some form, with the declared reactionaries being in such a minority. Well, it'd be nice to think this is evidence of a groundswell of progress and reform, the reality is far more mundane. The Pope is the only one who can make someone a Cardinal, and they typically seek to use that power to stack the administration of the Church and weight the Conclave for his successor. Barring a short reign or massive pushback from other quarters, It's typical to see a strong showing for the previous Pope's followers. Francis was Pope for eight years and in addition to stacking vacancies he was proactive in forcing out conservatives in the higher echelons of the church and pushed hard for his people to occupy those positions. 

Behind all the pomp and marble, the Universal Church is a gerrymandered bureaucracy.

What is to be Done? By Errico Malatesta

 "What is to be done?” is the question that, more or less intensely, always troubles the minds of all men struggling for an ideal, and urgently comes back in moments of crisis, when a failure, a disillusionment induces one to re-examine the tactics adopted, to criticize possible errors and to seek more effective means. Comrade Outcast is right to bring up the question again and invite the comrades to think and decide about what to do.

Today our situation is difficult, and even dreadful in some areas. However, he who was anarchist before, remains anarchist after all; although we have been weakened by many defeats, we have also gained a valuable experience, which will increase our effectiveness, if only we are able to treasure it. The defections occurred on our side, which were actually rare, help us after all, because they rid us of weak and unreliable persons.

So, what is to be done?

I am not going to dwell upon the unrest occurred abroad against the Italian reaction. Certainly we can only expect benefits from anything that helps the proletariat of the world to know about the true conditions of Italy and the incredible infamies that have been committed and keep being committed by the bourgeoisie cops in order to stifle and destroy any emancipatory movement. We just read about an international rally of protest against fascism, that took place in New York on the 18th of the current month — and we are sure that our friends and those who have a sense of freedom and justice will do whatever they can in America, England, France, Spain, etc.

However, we are mainly interested in what is to be done here in Italy, because this is what is to be done by us. Although it is good to take into account all the auxiliary forces, it is very important not to rely too much on others, and seek our well being in ourselves and our own work.

In recent years we have approached the different avantgard parties with a view to joint action, and we have always been disappointed. Must we for this reason isolate ourselves, or take refuge from impure contacts and stand still trying to move only when we have the necessary strength and in the name of our complete programme?

I think not.

Since we cannot make the revolution by ourselves, i.e. our forces alone are not sufficient to attract and mobilize the large masses necessary to win, and since, no matter how long one waits, the masses cannot become anarchist before the revolution has started, and we will necessarily remain a relatively small minority until we can try out our ideas in the revolutionary practice, by denying our cooperation to others and by postponing the action until we are strong enough to act by ourselves, we would practically end up encouraging sluggishness, despite the high-sounding words and the radical intentions, and refusing to get started, with the excuse of jumping to the end with one big leap.

I know very well — if I had not known for a long time I would have learnt recently — that we anarchists are alone in wishing the revolution for good and as soon as possible, except some individuals and groups that champ the bit of the authoritarian parties’ discipline, but remain in those parties in the hope that their leaders will resolve someday upon ordering a general action. However, I also know that the circumstances are often stronger than the individuals’ will, and one day or another our cousins from all different sides will have to resolve upon venturing the final struggle, if they do not want to ignominiously die as parties and make a present to the monarchy of all their ideas, their traditions, their best sentiments. Today they could be induced to that by the necessity of defending their freedom, their goods, their life.

Therefore we should always be prepared to support those who are prepared to act, even if it carries with it the risk of later finding ourselves alone and betrayed.

But in giving others our support, that is, in always trying to use the forces at the disposal of others, and taking advantage of every opportunity for action, we must always be ourselves and seek to be in a position to make our influence felt and count at least in direct proportion to our strength.

To this end it is necessary that we should be agreed among ourselves and seek to co-ordinate and organize our efforts as effectively as possible.

Let others keep misunderstanding and slandering our goals, for reasons we do not want to qualify. All comrades that seriously want to take action will judge what is better for them to do.

At this time, as at any time of depression and stagnation, we are afflicted by a recrudescence of hair-splitting tendencies; some people enjoy discussing whether we are a party or a movement, whether we have to associate into unions or federations, and hundreds of other similar trifles; perhaps we will hear again that “groups can have neither a secretary nor a cashier, but they have to entrust one comrade to deal with the group’s correspondence and another to keep the money”. Hair-splitters are capable of anything; but let practical men see to taking action, and let hair-splitters in good faith, and those in bad faith above all, stew in their own juice.

Let anyone do whatever they like, associate with whoever they like, but let them act.

No person of good faith and common sense can deny that acting effectively requires agreeing, uniting, organizing.

Today the reaction tends to stifle any public movement, and obviously the movement tends to “go underground”, as the Russian used to say.

We are reverting to the necessity of a secret organization, which is fine.

However, a secret organization cannot be all and cannot include all.

We need to preserve and increase our contact with the masses, we need to look for new followers by propagandizing as much as possible, we need to keep in the movement all the individuals unfit for a secret organizations and those who would jeopardize it by being too well-known. One must not forget that the persons most useful to a secret organization are those whose beliefs are unknown to the adversaries, and who can work without being suspected.

Therefore, in my opinion, nothing that exists should be undone. Rather, it is a matter of adding something more; something with such characteristics as to respond to the current needs.

Let nobody wait for someone else’s initiative; let anyone take the initiatives they deem appropriate in their place, in their environment, and then try, with due precautions, to connect their own to others’ initiatives, to reach the general agreement that is necessary to a valid action.

We are in a time of depression, it is true. However, history is moving fast nowadays: let us get ready for the events to come.

Tear Along the Dotted Line & This World Can't Tear Me Down

 

In 2021, I was scrolling through Netflix and saw a trailer for some animated show about a mopey bloke bickering with an Armadillo. It's called Tear Along the Dotted Line, It scratched my curiosity itch, so I decided to give it a chance. I knew it was a European series, Italian to be more precise, and since Netflix usually has terrible dubbing of European content I made sure to pick subtitles with the Italian audio. And nearly abandoned the show in the first five minutes. I don't speak Italian, but I am familiar with some words and phrases and my reading speed is pretty good. The main character Zero spoke so fast I could not keep up. 

Instead of surrender, I bit the bullet and switched to English audio, and was surprised because the dubbing was great. The protagonist Zero is a Roman working class type associated with lefty politics, the punk scene and the pop-culture of a 1990s childhood. So, whichever company did the dubbing figured out correctly that there is a British version of Zero out in the wild and cast him to do the voice. The monologue is very authentic, the slang used sounds like something a character like Zero would use in real conversation and avoids the trap of trying too hard to sound streetwise. The references that don't translate to an international audience or can't be replaced with a British equivalent are explained clearly and quickly, and each episode has an extremely snappy pace.

The plot of the series revolves around a shock revelation, so I won't spoil that. The premise though is the life of Zero, a real life Italian comic artist, and his struggles with his own emotional hang-ups. The Armadillo is supposed to be an imaginary representation of his conscience, but it seems more interested in manipulating him into negative behaviours. The show is autobiographical and uses a stream of consciousness narrative, Zero not only narrates the events and his emotional state but does all the voices of the other characters. It was surprisingly engaging seeing him struggle with imposter syndrome social anxiety and his slow, constantly halting progress towards a better place. 

In short, I really enjoyed the show it had a lot for me to chew on, the jokes landed for me more often than not and despite guessing what the revelation was going to be I still felt an emotional punch once it was out in the open. It's the sort of thing I wished I had bothered to write about when it was new, I recommended it to some friends, all of whom agreed it sounded interesting and all promptly ignored it. And the series ended pretty conclusively, or so I thought. I was surprised to see that this year they had released a second series, This World Won't Tear Me Down.

Which is why I'm finally getting off my proverbial backside to talk about the show now. Now strictly speaking This World Can't Tear Me Down, is standalone, you do not have to watch Tear Along the Dotted Line to understand what's going on. It re-introduces the characters and how the show works very well and while there are references to what happened in Tear Along, they are not crucial. I would strongly recommend you watch Tear Along first, though. Watching them out of order, you lose the sense of Zero's emotional progression. Zero is still the protagonist and a stream of consciousness is how the narrative progresses, but the voice cast is expanded, Zero only does other people's voices when he's explicitly recounting events, so he has finally learnt to let his friends take part in his world and doesn't treat them like props in his play. And the Armadillo while still a glass half empty grump has stopped trying to manipulate Zero into stagnation and does give advice that's more reasonable and leave it up to Zero to make the decisions without pressuring him.

Zero's narcissism has declined sharply since last time, though he is still struggling with a "the world rests on my shoulders" attitude and is still struggling with imposter syndrome thanks to his further commercial success. This World, also vindicates my choice as there are multiple jokes about how even Italians struggled to keep up with his motor mouth in Tear Along.

Fans of Tear Along, will find plenty to like in This World. I certainly did, ended up watching the all six episodes in one night, though admittedly I was sick at the time so had difficulty sleeping and had nothing to do the next morning. 

The story has expanded beyond Zero's personal life to looking at how his struggles are part of what's going on in Italy and the world. Much of the conflict this time revolves around the growing boldness of Italian Neo-Fascism. In Tear Along, Zero's disgust with the far right is noticeable, but it's part of the background of the world Zero lives in and what makes him tick. It was good to see that emotional issues aren't a barrier to opposing the forces of reaction, politically and socially, Zero seems pretty sound. However, the first series came out in 2021 and a lot has changed since then. Now fascist posters are littering the streets Zero walks down, and the police have been arresting Zero's friends for counterprotests against far right political groups.

I should stress these two series are autobiographical, the events they depict are true, it's just names and identities are changed. Half the new characters are represented by alias and drawn as some kind of Dinosaur to protect them. This creates a bit of a clash with the gritty street level of the events, but you get used to seeing a Triceratops deck a black shirt or a Pterodactyl slag off the local council for capitulating to an obvious strong arm tactic. This World Can't Tear Me Down is an open and overt Anti-fascist animation. And not just because of the baddies' goose-stepping into battle, their ideology and strategies are explored, exposed and condemned. 

The Fascists or Nazis as Zero keeps calling them* are opportunistic thugs exploited the failures of the Italian state to rally the discontented to their banner to pressure a weak and complicit political establishment to make concessions which will strengthen them further to repeat the cycle. They're doing this in two ways, first in a deprived area of Rome the government shipped a number of refugees into a building that was abandoned. The Nazis are targeting this district with posters and other propaganda accusing the government of selling out the local population and "Pure" Italians for these foreigners, with a major source of tension being the proximity to a school. And the second case is how they recruit new members. A childhood friend of Zero's called Cesare has returned to the neighbourhood after a long absence and is having trouble reconnecting with the community. He was in a clinic for drug addiction and in addition to find readjusting to life outside to be a challenge, he resents how he and his family were treated by the authorities. He is not a true believer, but the Nazis are exploiting both his resentment and isolation to get him to join up. They seem sympathetic to him, and they've used the lack of support for him to stoke anger over the refugees. 

In both cases, they're shown to be opportunistic deceivers. The refugees were placed there recently, but the district has been stagnating with a loss of services and employment opportunities for decades. Forcing a few dozen desperate people to move somewhere else will do nothing to fix that, it just makes life harder for people. And as for Cesare, encouraging an addict with a criminal record into further acts of violence isn't in his best interests, it will not help him reconnect with the world outside, it keeps isolated and in conflict with the few friends he had left, and their false comradery breaks down once Cesare fails to transition into a good malleable soldier. They abandon him to his fate after that. There is no happy ending here, the anti-fascists successfully break up this one attempt to divide the community, but the Nazis are still around and Cesare is free of the negative influence of the far right squadisti and probably won't go to prison because the only direct evidence of his actions was recorded by the anti-fascists who delete it rather than turn it over to the police, but he's still adrift and having to struggle with a community that in addition to difficulties understanding addiction now know he's associated with violent extremism.

It's a tough watch, but it's important, this isn't fiction it's real life. I know first hand that society fails many of its members and leaves them isolated and resentful. The scenes with Zero visiting Cesare and his mother at the beginning were a little painful to watch as they reminded me of how I and my family treated several people who were addicts** at first, constantly torn between addressing it or just trying to ignore hoping they'll just tell us the boundaries without havign to be asked. The pitiful amount of resources set up to process refugees in conditions that are just bleak at best and prisons at best isn't sufficient to address that problem, but is more than enough to create footholds for opportunistic peddlers of hate, and the respectable political representatives who are supposed to improve society are completely incapable of addressing these issues and that's assuming they aren't directly complicit which increasingly is the case. 

In a sense This World Can't Tear Me Down, is rather bleak, there is no magic cure all presented in the conclusion of the show. Italy (or the UK or France etc) is fundamentally broken, and no solution will come from it. However, despite that people can work together, reject the lies and resist the manipulation by outside forces and resist the reactionary turn. To drive that message home, there is a sequence where Zero makes conversation with some of the refugees who are grateful for the show of support but weren't worried too much about the Nazis, because instead of being the vulnerable victims Zero and the Anti-fash assumed they were they due to there experiences of violence and depredation were used to fighting and had formed a defence ring around the building and had built up an armoury or improvised weapons. The events unfolded with the Nazis failing to get inside the grounds (lucky for them I guess) so the refugees were relegated to spectators. The implication being that while what Zero and his friends did was important and a good thing, it would have been more beneficial had they communicated with the refugees and worked with them instead of just acting on their behalf.

Also this bit of dialogue from Secco really spoke to me.

"Where did I grow up? I'm an orphan. I was on the streets from the age of 15. I've never had a job, no one to support me nothing. Everything I have, I got for myself and I've never taken anything from those who were worse off than me. I get that you feel guilty but do you think that Zerocalcare is the only enligthened one that knows right from wrong?"

This was in response to Zero's handwringing about not judging Cesare for supporting the Nazis. It doesn't deny that Cesare has struggles but it shootsdown the idea that these are in anyway valid explanations or excuses for supporting far right bandwagons and lashing out at others. There's been a growing divide in anti-fascism for sometime over how to deal with the alienated recruits of the contemporary far right in Europe. Its a difficult issue to address but Secco is 100%, I also felt bad for Cesare but that isn't an excuse for what he's doing and not all addicts join up with the supporters of the new Reich. Throwing bricks through the windows of foreigners won't help Cesare or any of the alienated footsoldiers, and nor would it make what they're doing okay if it did somehow solve their personal problems. It treats Fascism and how to oppose it seriously and with nuance and years of experience, several episodes even explain tactics for street clashes and how to take precautions. 

Its anti-fascist content is enough for me to recommend it as an educational tool, its emotional maturity and clever handling of personal drama and dark humour make it one of my favourite shows.

*This is addressed directly. Fascism has managed to become semi-respectable in Italian society again, whereas Nazism is still a no-go area. So, in response, anti-fascists like Zero have resorted to using the Nazi label to describe the diverse ecosystem of far right grouplets to remind wider society of what the end game of these people are. 

** If you're wondering why I keep referring to individuals who have been clean for sometime as addicts its because that's what the family and friends I know who have gone through view it. Addiciton and rehabilitation are complex issues with many different ways of working with it, I'm not an expert and just going off of what little I know, I apologise if this has caused offense.

Interview with Augusto Masetti from 1964 now translated into English

 

Awhile a go I discovered the late Stuart Christie's massive anarchist film archive and spent many hours digging through it. Unfortunately while its a great resource very few of the entries have explanations as to what they're about so if it isn't immediately clear from the film or you don't speak one of the dozens of languages the content is in some of them can be very strange and obscure.

For me one of those videos was a short 2 minute video called Augusto Masetti, its a short black and white interview with an elderly man in Italian. The only information was the year of recording 1964, searching the name I found multiple sources all in Italian, but my limited experience and machine translators I found out that in 1911 when the Italian army was about to send troops to occupy Libya Augusto Masetti shot and wounded his superior officer and when being detained and investigated it was found that he had an anti-militarist pamphlet on him and was an Anarchist. He became a sort of celebrity with defence committees setup across Italy to protest in support of him and rally opposition to the military adventures of the Italian state. 

I also found an upload of the video on youtube, and the uploader had some interesting things to say in the comments. 

Intervista del 1964 ad Augusto Masetti, l'anarchico che nel 1910 aveva sparato al suo colonnello inneggiando all'anarchia e contro la guerra di Libia. Durante i giorni della 'Settimana Rossa' del 1914 fu preso come simbolo della lotta antimilitarista. (Questo video - come gli altri sul tema settimana rossa - è stato recuperato da un'unica cassetta vhs (prima Betamax) lasciata da Sergio Zavoli alla biblioteca di Alfonsine, e mai usata dalla RAI. La cassetta era ormai abbandonata in biblioteca da 40 anni e a rischio smagnetizzazione. Su sollecitazione di Luciano Lucci fu riversata da Betamax a VHS, e poi il Lucci stesso ne fece una versione digitalizzata e messa su youtube.) 1964 interview with Augusto Masetti, the anarchist who in 1910 had shot his colonel in praise of anarchy and against the war in Libya. During the days of the 'Red Week' of 1914 it was taken as a symbol of the anti-militarist struggle. (This video - like the others on the red week theme - was recovered from a single vhs cassette (first Betamax) left by Sergio Zavoli at the Alfonsine library, and never used by RAI. The cassette had now been abandoned in the library for 40 years. and at risk of demagnetization. At the request of Luciano Lucci it was transferred from Betamax to VHS, and then Lucci himself made a digitized version of it and put on youtube.)

Which was interesting but didn't help me understand what the video was about. My very weak knowledge of Italian meant I was sure the first question at least was about his time as a soldier and the shooting of thee officer, but that was it apart from a few words about Professors and a song and family.

I turned to the subreddit r/translator for help, and within a few hours user Jordanj got in touch and gave me a transcript in Italian of the conversation and then an English translation.

So mystery solved, and in the interest of preservation I've used both to create subtitle tracks for the video and will reproduce them here as transcripts.

Video Link

Interviewer: Good morning, Mr. Masetti.

Masetti: Good morning.

I: Sorry to bother you.

M: No need.

I: Would you mind coming here a moment, on the balcony?

M: Sure.

I: Here under the light, so we can see you well.

M: But remember I don't want [money].

Me, I'm available for the [king].*

I: What happened at the Salvini barracks in Bologna? Can you tell us?

M: We were 300 soldiers, lined up in three rows, and 8 officers were on the stage, among which was the superior officer, the lieutenant colonel Stroppa, who was making the speech, where he said we all have family, girlfriends, and you know friends, but right this moment we only have our nation to defend... and at that moment, I put my [rifle] on the shoulders of the [second] - I was in the middle, in the middle row - and then I shot once. I was going to recharge, so they jumped on me... officers, and so on.

I: And the lieutenant colonel was only wounded...

M: Wounded, yes, till the shoulder, here. And the bullet deflected, and wounded an unlucky fellow of a soldier right under there.

I: Now, I'd like to ask you, Mr. Masetti. Yours was a an act of folly, but were you indeed crazy, like they were saying?

M:... there's 36 hours I have no recollection of. From the evening of the 29th till the 31 of the morning. Something I've always said and I'll have to always say, because it is so.

I: But, do you feel guilt for that act or not?

M: No, no! How can I feel guilty? Can you feel guilty for something you don't know about (/remember doing)? They were saying that to me In Reggio Emilia too, those professors. "Well, you must feel sorry for [???]." "Me? Why should I feel sorry?" "So you're proud of it?" "No to that too! I can't be proud of something I don't know I did!". And that's how things were, you know.

I: Were you aware that all over Italy, pro Masetti committees were being established?

M: ... Not right away, no, I didn't know right away. I learned it some days after, when the professor... Sacossi and Pedrassani, they were saying "There's a lot of support for you out there". And I said "I know nothing about it, [if there is,???] I know nothing, no one was bringing me anything. They only came the evening, some... middle-class people, you know, outside, to say hello from the window... and then they'd sing a song they made up themselves...

I: How did the song go?

M: Ah, they said "At the cell number 9 the soldier Masetti is being locked up", but then I don't remember anything else of all that stuff.

* I don't fully understand this but Masetti was making a pun the words he uses for King and money sound very similar. "Ma ricordatevi che non voglio [rei]!  Ci sono per [il re] io."

Interviewer: Buongiorno Signor Masetti.

Masetti: Buongiorno.

I: Scusi se la disturbiamo.

M: No.

I: Le dispiacerebbe venire qua un attimo, sul balcone?

M: Si.

I: Venga al sole, si faccia vedere.

M: Ma ricordatevi che non voglio [rei]!

Ci sono per [il re] io.

I: Come andarono le cose alla caserma Salvini di Bologna? Me lo vuole raccontare?

M: Eravamo in 300 soldati, sfilati in tre fila, e 8 ufficiali erano sul palco, il quale l'ufficiale superiore, che era il sergente colonello Stroppa, fece la morale, dove disse che tutti abbiamo la famiglia, abbiamo la fidanzata, abbiamo insomma gli amici, ma in questo momento qua non abbiamo altro che la patria da difendere... e io, in quel momento li', misi il fucile sulle spalle del secondo - ero in mezzo io, nella fila di mezzo - e poi sparai un colpo. Quando ritornai a caricare, allora mi saltarono addosso con... ufficiali, e cosi' via.

I: E il tenente colonnello rimase soltanto ferito...

M: Ferito, si, fino alla spalla qui. E la palla divio', e andette a ferire un disgraziato di un soldato che era li sotto.

I: Ora io vorrei chiederle, signor Masetti. Il suo fu un gesto folle, ma lei era pazzo come si disse, o no?

M: ...io ho 36 ore che non ricordo niente! Dalla sera del 29 fino al 31 della mattina. Cosa che ho sempre detto e che dovro' sempre dire, perche' e' cosi'.

I: Ma lei e' pentito di quel gesto o no?

M: No, no! Posso mica esser pentito? Come fate a esser pentito di una cosa che non sapete? A me lo dicevano anche a Reggio Emilia, i professori la'. "Beh ti dispiacera' pure della [comesono]..." "Io? Cosa vuole che mi dispiace?" "Allora hai piacere?" "Ma neanche! Non posso mica aver piacere di una cosa che non so di aver fatto". E cosi' andavano le cose, insomma.

I: Lei sapeva che in tutta Italia si stavano costituendo dei comitati pro Masetti?

M: ... Subito no, subito non lo seppi. Lo seppi qualche giorno dopo, quando il professore... Sacossi e Pedrassani, mi dicevano "c'e' un gran movimento per te fori". E io dissi "Non so niente", [gh'era la ren se gava] non sapevo niente, nessuno mi portava niente. venivano solo alla sera, dei... borghesi insomma, dal di fori, a salutarmi dalla finestra... E poi cantavano una canzone, che avevano inventato loro...

I: Come faceva questa canzone?

M: Ah, dicevano, "alla cella del numero 9 sta rinchiuso il soldato Masetti", ma io poi non mi ricordo piu' niente di quella roba li'.

Ĉe la lando de la "Nigraĉemizuloj - In the land of the Black shirts (Extract)

Ĉe la lando de la "Nigraĉemizuloj (1)"

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(1) Ĉi tio estas ekstrakto el sufiĉe longa raporto pri vojaĝo en Italio. -- Kompil.

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Romo

Kiu studis pli malpli la historion de l' romana popolo, tiu ne povas sen ia emocio paŝi sur la zigzagaj, mallarĝaj stratoj de l' t. n. sepmonta, Ĉiama Urbo. Trude oni memoras, ke tie, antaŭ du mil jaroj, vivis, interbatalis, krimis la famaj estroj de imperio, kiu etendiĝis de Nigra Maro ĝis Gibraltara Markolo, de Grandbritio ĝis Sahara Dezerto. Tie staris amase plej belstilaj konstruoj ĉiuspecaj: temploj, banejoj, triumfarkaĵoj, kolonegoj, cirkoj ktp., kies restaĵoj atestas ankoraŭ nuntempe pri la potencego, riĉego, belbrilegeco de formalaperinta civilizo. 

En la "Foro Romano" (Romana Forumo) la triumfarkaĵoj de Septimjo Severo, tiu de Tito, multaj rompitaj kolonoj, difektaj statuoj k multe da aliaj ruinoj elokvente konvinkas, ke ĝis nun oni ne superis la artisman kulturon de la antikvaj Romanoj. Kia sento pri formharmanio! kia juĝkapablo pri proporcioj!... Kaj mediteme oni pensas, ke tiun kulturon ili akiris ĉe siaj venkitoj, ĉe la Grekoj -- tiel la "venkitoj" venkis spirite siajn "venkintojn". Kia pripensiga temo!... 

Image oni restarigas tiujn konstruojn, k plenigas ilin per svarmanta popolamaso, entuziasma, bruema, paradema. Triumfintaj generaloj laŭre kronitaj, starantaj en ĉaro, veturas meze de varmegaj aklamoj; tie en la giganta Koloseo centmilkapa rigardantaro freneze aplaŭdegas gladiatorojn... 

Tie jam ekzistis klasbatalo inter patricioj (aristokratoj) k plebanoj (malnobeluloj); tie sklavoj, gvidate de Spartako, armite ribelis k provis liberiĝi; tie plej diversaj regadformoj estis elprovata: reĝeco, respubliko, diktatoreco, imperiestreco... 

Kaj disiĝas la romana potenco... Alvenas barbaroj... Malaperas brilega civilizo. 

Pasas jarcentoj da mallumeco; dume kreskas nova potenco: la katolikismo, kiu siavice batalas por akiri la mondregadon. La idolana religio estas anstataŭita de la kristana: sur la ruiniĝintaj temploj elstariĝas vastaj bazilikoj. El la ruinoj kvazaŭ elsorbiĝas k reviviĝas la idolana spirito: la antikvan luksegon imperian imitas la papoj; riĉegaĵoj amasiĝas en la Vatikanon. Konstruiĝas la malhumilega Sankta Petro, kiu kvazaŭ konkuras laŭ la grando kun la Koloseo. En tiu senkompare vasta baziliko ja povas okdek mil kreduloj respektege genufleksi antaŭ la papo. 

La papregado!... 

Oni preskaŭ kredus, ke ĉi tie la grundo estigadas ĉiaman revon pri tutmonda superregado. La papoj persiste celas fari el Romo la ĉefurbon de l' tutmondo, unuiĝonta sub la regadon de l' Kruco. 

Kaj eble en la kapo de Musolini iafoje naskiĝas ankaŭ la penso pri ia vasta imperio. Almenaŭ iu faŝista ĉiutaga ĵurnalo, L'Impero (La Imperio), ne timas propagandi la ideon pri restarigo de l' antikva romana imperio!! Sed tiuj imperiistoj tro facile forgesas, ke en Italio mankas karbo k ferminaĵo, kio malebligas nuntempe, ke ilia revo efektiviĝu... 

Apud luksegaj preĝejoj k palacoj staras laŭlonge de malpuraj stratetoj, malkomfortaj, malbelaspektaj domoj. Tie vivas popolamaso, kiu eble estas pli mizera ol tiu vivinta samloke antaŭ dudek jarcentoj. Ja, sub la regado de Aŭgusto la sklaveco estis preskaŭ tute malaperinta, k la popolo ĝuis sufiĉan bonstaton. 

Ĉu do progreso estas nur vorto? Ĉu esence nenio ŝanĝiĝis?... 

En la stratoj rapidas aŭtomobiloj, serpentumas tramvojoj. Mi pensas, ke nur unutaga veturado apartigas Romon de Parizo. La aeron konkeris aviadiloj; la penso k voĉo preskaŭ ne plu konas distancojn... 

La antikvaj Romanoj kapablis fari plej gigantajn konstruojn, sed ili ne konis niajn modernajn veturilojn; ili estis sklavoj de la distanco. Rilate teknikon, nekontraŭdireble granda progreso okazis.

Pri la morala progreso oni ja povas dubi. La homo ne pliboniĝis. Nuntempe kiel antaŭ du mil jaroj la homoj malamas, perfidas, militas, ĉiel krimas; ekzistas sklavoj, la proletoj, k patricioj, la mastroj. Malestas justa sociordo... 

Sed la tekniko malaperigas la distancojn; la grandindustrio laŭ tutmonda skalo prilaboras, samnormigas iun klason, la Proletaron, kiu ĉiutage k persiste provas, lernas unuiĝi super la landlimoj. Oni povas prave imagi, ke la ĉiama revo pri unuiĝo de ĉiuj popoloj fariĝos realaĵo. Ne per la konkeremo de iu Cezaro, sed per la ribela agado de l' proletara klaso. Ne reviviĝos la imperioj, sed falos la kapitalisma imperiismo. Regos fine justo sur la tero. Oni povas, oni devas esperi...

Tiele mi monologis irante al K-do B. kun kiu mi rendevuis por aŭdi ankoraŭfoje pri la "afero", kiel diras la Milanaj K-doj por ne elparoli la vorton faŝismo...

(VII-1924.)

In the Land of the Black Shirts

(1) This is an extract from a longer report about journeying in Italy. 

Rome

Those who study more than a little of the history of the Roman people cannot walk the zigzagging and narrow streets, past the seven hills of the eternal city without feeling emotion. Brashly one remembers that there, some two thousand years ago lived, rivalled and plotted the famous masters of an empire that stretched from the Black sea to the Gibraltar strait, from Great Britain to the Sahara desert. There stood a mass of the most stylish buildings of all kinds, temples, baths, triumphs, colleges, circuses etc. Whose remains in the present day still attest to the power, wealth, and splendour of the formalised civilisation.

In the "Foro Romano" (Roman Forum) the triumphs of Septimius Severus, those of Titus, many broken columns, damaged statues and lots of other kinds of ruins eloquently convince that until now we have not surpassed the artistic culture of the ancient Romans. What a feeling from harmony! What capable judgement about proportions! and meditating one thinks on how they acquired this culture through their victories, from the Greeks-- those "defeated" who conquered their "conquerors". What a subject to contemplate! 

Imaging restoring those buildings, and filling them with a swarming mass of people, enthusiastic, noisy, talkative. Triumphant general lawfully crowned, standing on a chariot traveling through warm acclaim;  Then in the coliseum a hundred thousand covered spectators frenziedly applauding Gladiators...

There already existed class struggle between the Patricians (Aristocrats) and Plebeians (Commoners); There slaves, led by Spartacus rebelled under arms and tried to be free. There the most diverse political systems were tried, Monarchy, Republic, Dictatorship, Imperial. 

And when Roman power scatted, the Barbarians arrived, snuffing out the shining civilisation. 

A new power grew during the centuries of darkness that followed: Catholicism, which in turn fought to dominate the world. The idolatrous religion supplanted Christianity: On ruined temples there stands vast Basilicas. As if from the absorption of the ruins the idolatrous spirit is revived: The Popes imitate the ancient seat of luxury; they amass vast riches in the Vatican. The built the garish Saint Peter basilica on the scale of the Coliseum. In this incomparably vast Basilica there are 80,000 believers genuflecting before the Pope. 

The Pope rules!

One would almost believe that here the soil creates a dream for global dominance. The Popes persistently work to make Rome into the capitol of the whole world, united under the Cross. 

And possibly thoughts of a vast empire are born in Mussolini's head. The Fascist daily newspaper "L'Impero" (The Empire) at least is not afraid to propagandise the idea of refounding the ancient Roman Empire!! But these Imperialists too easily forget that Italy lacks coal and fuel which will make this dream unrealisable. 

Near the luxurious churches and palaces stand in the dirty alleys, uncomfortable and squalid looking houses. There live the ordinary people, who are possibly the most miserable of all the people who have lived here throughout 20 centuries. Indeed under the rule of Augustus slavery had almost disappeared and the people lived well enough.

Is "progress" just a word? Has nothing in essence changed since then?

In the streets fast cars, and serpentine trams. I think only a days travel separates Rome from Paris. The air conquered by airplanes; Thought and voice hardly know distances anymore.

The Ancient Romans could build the most gigantic of structures, but they did not know of our modern means of travel. They were slaves to distance. Technical relations, inarguably great progress has occurred.

About moral progress one can still doubt. Humans no longer improve. Now as two millennia ago the people hate, cheat, war, commit all types of crime, there exist slaves as proletarians, and patricians as masters. A just society does not exist.

But technology abolishes distances, and large industry on a global scale works, it equates and homogenises that class the proletariat. Which every day persistently tries and learns to unite with itself beyond national borders. One can really imagine that one day the eternal dream of unity among all peoples will one day become reality. Not by the conquest of some Caesar, but by the rebellious action of the proletarian class. The empires will not return, and capitalist imperialism will fall. There will rule a just society. It can be, one has to hope.  

Here I drew the monologue of comrade B. with whom I rendezvoused to hear about the "thing" as the Milanese comrades say, so as not to utter the word Fascism.

E.Lanti : Duonhoron kun Errico Malatesta (intervjuo) - A half hour with Errico Malatesta (Interview)

Inter la nunaj gravuloj de la anarkista movado, Malatesta estas certe unu el la plej famaj. Dum longaj jaroj li vivis ekzilite k. povis reveni Italion nur post la milito. Antaŭ la faŝisma regado, li direktis la ĉiutagan ĵurnalon "L’Umanita" k. nun li eldonas la interesan duonmonatan revuon "Pensiero e Volonta"  (Penso k. Volo). Jam maljuna, grizbarba, E. M. restas tamen tre juna spirite : En liaj okuloj ardas fajro de ne estingebla entuziasmo ; lia voĉo havas tonon de konvinko neŝancelebla. Antaŭ tiu viro, malaltkreska, iomete terenklinema, oni sentas sin tuj en simpatia k. fidema atmosfero.

Por ke ne estu inter ni iu ajn miskompreno, mi diris al li ke mi estas ano de Komintern k. sekve ne havas la saman komprenon kiel li rilate la nuntempajn sociajn problemojn.

— Tion mi jam sciis per la legado de S. R., respondis ridetante k-do Malatesta.

— Ĉu do vi komprene legas esp.on ? mi intermetis.

— Ja, vian revuon mi legas senpene. En Londono mi lernis esp.on k. eĉ tiam tre interesiĝis pri la movado. Sed okazis la skismo ida k. pro tio mi ĉesis okupiĝi pri la afero. Mi atendis ekscii kiu de ambaŭ lingvoj venkos . . .

Mi profitis la okazon por klarigi, ke la esp.a movado daŭrigas progresadi k. ne vidigas ian ajn dekadencan signon, tute male.

— Nu. eble denove mi interesiĝos pri esp.o, tial ke mi ja estas konvinkita, ke internacia lingvo estas nepre necesa por nia movado.

Demandite pri la faŝismo. Malatesta respondis jene :
— La faŝismo esence ne estas io nova en Italio, nur la nomo estas nova. Mussolini k. lia bandaĉo nur ĝeneraligis, metodigis ion, kio jam delonge ekzistis ĉe ni. En Napoli, ekz.. ĉiam la mastroj havas je sia servo aron da krimistoj, kiuj dum la strikoj provis terurobeigi la laboristojn. La faŝismo estas nur la regado de bone organizita krimistaro. Mi rakontu al vi anekdoton :

Antaŭ kelka tempo, la faŝistoj traserĉis en la ejo, kie estas presata nia revuo. Akompanis ilin iu polickomisaro, kiun de longe mi konas, ĉar, kiel vi certe scias, ofte mi estis implikata en polic- k. juĝaferoj. Mi demandis lin kun tono iomete ŝerca : "Ĉu do estas forigita la leĝo rilata al la gazetaro ?" - "Nu, ĉu estas vi, Malatesta, kiu parolas pri leĝo ?" samtone respondis la komisaro. "Ĉu do vi ne scias, ke la leĝo similas testikhaŭton, ĝi estas tre elasta . . . Cetere nunokaze mi mem ne ordonas sed simple obeas al tiuj faŝistoj. Jen vidu, unu el ili estis de mi serĉata pro liaj krimoj ; mi eĉ havas en la poŝo la kaptordonan leteron ; sed ŝanĝiĝis la rolo : hodiaŭ mi devas obei lin ! . . ."

Tiu tipa fakto ilustras vere plej bele la faŝismon. Restis al mi nur demandi al k.do Malatesta ĉu li konsentas, ke mi raportu liajn dirojn k. citu lian nomon ; mi aldonis, ke ĉiuj aliaj k.doj, kiujn mi jam demandis pri la faŝismo rekomendis, ke ne estu ilia nomo konigota.

— Ho ! estas mi imuna kontraŭ la faŝistaj venĝoj. Raportu kion vi volos ; mi povas diri je mia nomo, ke la faŝista movado konsistas el plej egaj kanajloj . . .

Jen farite.
Oni ne devas konkludi el la sintenado de k.do Malatesta, ke la aliaj k.doj, kiuj deziras, ke ilia nomo ne estu konigata, estas malpli kuraĝaj. Estas ja vere, ke Malatesta profitas certan imunecon pro sia famo, pro la granda ŝato k. respekto, kiuj estas ligitaj al lia nomo - k. ĉefe pro tio, ke nuntempe li ne povas forte influi grandan amason da laboristoj per sia revuo...

E. Lanti, el “Ĉe la lando de la "Nigraĉemizuloj", Sennacieca Revuo, julio 1924

La Angla traduko

Among the current important individuals of the Anarchist movement Malatesta is certainly one of the most famous. He lived as an exile during long years and could only return to Italy after the war. Before the rise of the Fascist regime, he edited the daily newspaper "L'Umanita". Now he publishes the bimonthly magazine "Pensiero e Volonto" (Thought and want). Already old, grey bearded, E.M. remains however very young in spirit: in his eyes burns an ardent fire of inextinguishable enthusiasm. His voice has a tone of unshakeable conviction. Before that man, short and a little rustic, one immediately feels in a sympathetic and trusting atmosphere.

So that there should not be any misunderstanding between us, I tell him that I am a member of the Comintern[1]. Consequently I do not have the same understanding as E.M. relating to the present social problems.

-That I already knew by reading S.R. replied Malatesta with a soft smile.

- So do you understand and read Esperanto? I interjected.

- Yes, your magazine I can read without difficulty. In London I learnt Esperanto and at the time I was very interested in the movement, but then the Ido schism[2] occurred and I ceased to occupy myself with the matter. I wait to see which of the two languages will win.

I exploited the occasion to clarify that the Esperanto movement continues to grow and does not display any decaying signs quite the opposite.

- Well possibly I will once again become interested in Esperanto, I still believe that an international language is absolutely necessary for our movement.

Asked about Fascism Malatesta answered thus:

Fascism in essence is not new in Italy, only the name is new. Mussolini and his thugs have only generalised some methods that have existed for a long time amongst us. In Naples for example the bosses already have at their disposal a set of criminals who try to terrorise the workers into obedience. Fascism is only the rule of well organised criminality. I will tell you an anecdote.

Sometime ago the Fascists searched through the place where our magazine is located. They were accompanied by a police commissioner whom I have long known. Because as you know I am often implicated in police and judicial affairs. I asked him in a questioning tone "Has the law on the press been abolished?" And he replied in the same tone, "Is this Malatesta, who now speaks of laws? Did you not know that the law is like a scrotum? It is very elastic. Besides presently I do not command but must obey these fascists. Here you see one of them was my suspect for his crimes, I even have his arrest order in my pocket. But the roles have changed, today I must obey him!"

This typical fact shows the true valour of fascism. It remained for me only to ask comrade Malatesta whether he would agree to my publishing of his comments about Fascism and cite his name. I explained that all the other comrades who I had already questioned about Fascism that their names should not be published.

- Oh! I am immune to Fascist vengeance. Report what you want, I can say using my name that the Fascists are made up of the most vilest scoundrels!

   
This is done.
One should not conclude from the sentiments of comrade Malatesta that the other comrades who which that their names be withheld are less courageous. It is really true that Malatesta enjoys a certain immunity thanks to the fame and great respect and admiration linked to his name. But also mainly because at present he cannot greatly influence the masses of workers with his magazine.

E. Lanti, from "In the land of the blackshirts" Sennacieca Revuo July 1924.

___________________________________________________

• 1. Eugene Lanti had been a French Anarchist before joining the French Communist Party, he quickly rose to prominence in the Communist (USSR) Esperanto movement and through his leadership of the World Anational Association SAT stifled criticism of the Soviet Union, this led to at least one walk out of Anarchist Esperantists who published the free worker http://libcom.org/library/libera-laboristo though Lanti never did see eye to eye with the Soviet Union and the increasing control of the party convinced him to leave the Communist party and criticise the Soviet Union
• 2. Ido is another constructed language, it was created in 1907 out of a reform movement within Esperanto and attracted many of its most active supporters to switch to it causing a lot of friction, it declined in popularity soon after the death of Louis Coutart its main advocate. Though it still survives in an obscure form today