Anarkiismo en Bulgario - Anarchism in Bulgaria

La fonto

La membiografio de Aleksander Metodiev Nakov (1919-2018) utilas por lerni pri la esperanta movado en Bulgario, sed ankaŭ pri ĝiaj rilatoj kun anarkiismo. Fakte, la ĉefa reprezentanto de tiu interligo estas ĝuste Nakov, kiu agadis dum la dekstrema aŭtoritatema reĝimo antaŭ la dua mondmilito, sed ankaŭ dum tiu komunisma. Nakov nomis ilin reciproke « faŝisma » kaj  « bolŝevika ». Naskiĝinte ene de malriĉa familio en la vilaĝo Kosatĉa (Kovacevci) en la okcidenta parto de la lando, post la bazlernejo li eklaboris kiel terlaboristo. Li translokiĝis al minista urbo Pernik, kie li laboris en fabriko Machinostroitel. Promenante sur la ĉefa strato de la urbo je la fino de 1936, kaptis lian atenton iu lernolibro de Esperanto en montro-fenestro de librovendejo . Allogis lin, kaj la celo de la lingvo kaj ĝia lerno-facileco, sed eĉ pli la ebleco sekvi rekte la revoluciajn eventojn en Hispanio, pri kiuj legeblis en Esperanto-bultenoj atingintaj Bulgarion.

Malgraŭ sia nescio de la latina alfabeto, li eklernis la lingvon. Baldaŭ li konatiĝis kun la juna ministo Boris Serginov, kiu klopodis vendi esperantan kalendaron de 1937. Kun li Nakov babiladis unuafoje en la internacia lingvo. Tamen, la plej influa homo en tiu epoko estis Anka Pisarska, kiun Nakov ekkonis en kunveno de junaj anarkiistoj en Vitoŝa. Ŝi lernigis lin la gramatikaĵojn de la lingvo kaj tiel li komencis korespondi kun samideanoj nacie kaj internacie. Nakov kaj liaj amikoj fondis e-grupon Nova Vojo, kiu kunigis komencantojn kaj spertajn esperantistoj, kaj kiu organizis kursojn en lernejoj kaj okazigis renkontiĝojn. Kelkaj bulgaroj partoprenis en internaciaj esperantaj aranĝoj, sed pro politikaj kialoj Nakov ne rajtis eliri la landon. Li tamen partoprenis la naciajn Esperanto-eventojn, krom tiuj okazintaj dum lia restado en koncentrejoj aŭ malliberejoj. Kaj tio okazis plurfoje. Eble ne hazarde en faŝistaj prizonoj troviĝis aliaj esperantistoj, kiel la komunisto Asen Grigorov, aŭtoro interalie de lernolibroj kaj vortaroj. Poste en komunismaj koncentrejoj li ankaŭ kunestis kun esperantistoj. Kiel membro de Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda, Bulgara Esperanto-Asocio, kunlaboranto de Bulgara Esperantisto ktp, li ĉiam estis fidela al la zamenhofa lingvo, kiu ankaŭ utilis en lia kontraŭaŭtoritata agado. Ekzemple, dank’al la esperanta medio li konatiĝis jam en la 1980-aj jaroj kun la verko 7000 tagoj en Siberio de Karlo Ŝtajner.

Sed la vivo de Nakov ankaŭ klarigeblas el anarkiista perspektivo, almenaŭ ekde 1937. Tiam en la fabriko Machinostroitel li kreis liberecanan grupon. Pro tia agado li estis enprizonigita en 1941, kune kun kvin aliaj kamaradoj. Kondamnita al 8 jaroj de malliberejo, li tamen liberiĝis en 1944. En tiu jaro li kreis du novajn liberecanajn grupojn, unu en Kosatcha kaj poste alian en Pernik, kiu nomiĝis Élisée Reclus. Ano de la liberecana junularo, Nakov rolis kiel loka gvidanto de la Bulgara Anarkiista Unuiĝo. Li daŭre aktivis klandestine dum la komunista regado, kiu malpermesis la liberecanan movadon. Pro tia persekutado en 1947 li deteniĝis denove kaj pasigis ses jarojn en koncentrejo Belene, kie li estis plurfoje punita pro malbona konduto. Nakov revenis malforta, malsana kaj malsata. En liaj vortoj: “Mi nur travivis danke al la interhelpo inter ni anarkiistoj, kiu ĉiam estis ne nur homa principo, sed bone organizita praktiko”.

Poste li daŭrigis sian politikaj agadon, restante konscia anarkiisto kaj esperantisto ĝis la fino de sia vivo. Anekdote, dufoje (decembro 1948 kaj marto 1974) oni forprenis lian kompletan korespondadon, inkluzive de esperantaj gazetoj, ktp.

Verŝajne la plej interesa parto de la libro estas la “dosiero de objekto 1218”, subskiribta de kolonelo de la ŝtata sekureco de Bulgario, kiu inkludas perlojn kiel la jenajn: “Nuntempe, la objekto ofte kunsidas kun la ĉefaj anarkiistoj por komenti pri eventoj, interŝanĝi beletron kaj helpi unu la alian” (…) “La sinteno de la objekto pri la popola povo estas kontraŭa”(…) “Li rigardas la mondajn eventojn per la prismo de liberpensulo, for de la dogmoj de moderna komunismo” (…) Nature la objekto estas modesta; li ne drinkas, ne fumas kaj estas laborema. Li havas bonan kulturan ĝeneralan kaj politikan, kaj estas membro de la esperanta asocio Nova Vojo de Pernik. Temas pri fanatika anarkiisto, kiu malferme deklaras ke nenio malebligas deturni lin de lia ideo kaj de liaj rilatoj kun anarkiistoj. Konklude, bazita sur lia malamika agado, mi sugestas ke li estu internigita kiel sociala danĝerulo”.

Javier Alcalde

Aleksander M. Nakov, The Dossier of Subject No. 1218, Edmonton, Black Cat Press, 2016, trad. Mariya Radeva.

Александър Наков, Досие на обект номер 1218, Sofio, ИК „Шрапнел“, [2006] 2009 ; Статии, sl, 2017.

Anarchism in Bulgaria

The autobiography of Aleksander Metodiev Nakov (1919-2018) is useful for learning about the Esperanto movement in Bulgaria, and also its relationship to Anarchism. In fact the best representative of this interconnection was Nakov himself, who was active during the period of the right wing dictatorial regime established before the second world war[1], and also during the subsequent communist dictatorship. Nakov dubbed the former Fascist and the latter Bolshevik. Born into a poor family in the village of Kosatĉa (Kovačevići) in the western part of the country, after finishing elementary school he started work as a peasant working the land. Later he moved to the mining town of Pernik getting a job in the Machinostroitel factory[2]. Walking down the main street of the town in the winter of 1936 when his attention was caught by an Esperanto teaching book in the window of a book seller. He was attracted to both the purpose of the language and its ease of learning, but even more so the possibility of following directly the revolutionary events in Spain, which could be read in Esperanto bulletins that reached Bulgaria.

Despite his ignorance of the Latin alphabet, he began to learn the language. He soon became acquainted with the young miner Boris Serginov, who tried to sell an Esperanto calendar from 1937. With him Nakov chatted for the first time in the international language. However, the most influential person at that time was Anka Pisarska, whom Nakov first met at a meeting of young Anarchists in Vitosha. She taught him the grammar which enabled him to start corresponding with fellow travellers nationally and internationally. Nakov and his friends founded the Esperanto group Nova Vojo (New Way), which connected beginners with experienced Esperantists, and organised courses in schools and hosted public meetings. Several Bulgarians took part in international Esperanto gatherings, but due to political restrictions Nakov was not allowed to leave the country. However, he participated in the national Esperanto events, in addition to those that took place during his stay in concentration camps or prisons. These internments happened several times. It is no coincidence that other Esperantists were found in fascist prisons, such as the communist Asen Grigorov, author of textbooks and dictionaries. Later in the concentration camps run by the communists he also meet up with Esperantists[3]. As a member of the Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda (World Anti-national Association), Bulgarian Esperanto Association, collaborator on the Bulgara Esperantisto (Bulgarian Esperantist) etc, he was always faithful to Zamenhof's language, which was also used in anti-authoritarian activities. For example, thanks to the Esperanto environment, he became acquainted as early as the 1980s with Karl Steiner's 7000 Days in Siberia.

But the life of Nakov also demonstrates the Anarchist perspective, starting in 1937. In the Machinostroitel factory he established a libertarian group. Because of this activity he was imprisoned in 1941 together with five other comrades. Sentenced to eight years in prison, however he was freed in 1944. In that year he created two new libertarian groups, one in Kosatcha and later another in Pernik, both named after Elisee Reclus[4]. A member of the Libertarian youth Nakov became a local leader of the Bulgarian Anarchist Union. He continued to act clandestinely during the Communist regime, because the authorities were actively suppressing the libertarian movement. Because of this persecution he was arrested again and spent six years in the concentration camp in Belene, where he was punished several times for bad behaviour. Nakov returned weak, unhealthy, and hungry, in his own words "I only survived thanks to mutual aid between us Anarchists, which is not only a human principle but a well organised practice". 

Later he continued his political activity, remaining a conscious anarchist and Esperantist until the end of his life. Anecdotally, twice (December 1948 and March 1974) his complete correspondence was taken away, including Esperanto newspapers, etc.

Perhaps the most interesting part of the book is the "dossier of object 1218", signed by a colonel of Bulgarian state security, which contains such pearls like the following "Presently the object often meets mainly with anarchists for comments on events, the exchange of litereature and to help one another" (…) "The attitude of the object toward popular power is oppositional" (...) "He looks at world events through the prism of a free thinker, away from the dogmas of modern communism" (…) "Naturally the object is modest, he does not drink, does not smoke, and is hardworking. He has a good culture generally and politically, and is a member of the Esperanto association New Way in Pernik. Is a fanatical Anarchist, and has openly declared that no prison will destroy his ideals nor his relationship with other Anarchists. In conclusion, based on his hostile activity I recommend that he be detained as a social danger".  

Javier Alcalde

Translated by Reddebrek

Aleksander M. Nakov, The Dossier of Subject No. 1218, Edmonton, Black Cat Press, 2016, trad. Mariya Radeva.

Александър Наков, Досие на обект номер 1218, Sofio, ИК „Шрапнел“, [2006] 2009 ; Статии, sl, 2017.

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Footnotes:

1: The Kingdom of Bulgaria spent much of the interwar years worried about workers and peasant revolts and initiated many purges, crackdowns and its own White Terror, imprisoning thousands of suspects and killing many militants of any even vaguely anti monarchy organisation, especially the anarchist movement and the Bulgarian Communist Party. While not explicitly Fascist, during WWII it sided with the Axis and came under increasing influence of Nazi Germany.

2: A company trading under the name of Machinostroitel still operates in Bulgaria, but if it is the same one then it appears to have moved out of Pernik.

3: For more details on the brutality of the Communist party of Bulgaria see Bulgaria the New Spain - The Communist Terror in Bulgaria

4: Famous French Anarchist and geographer 

A Mild Defence of White Man's Burden (the 1995 film, not the cultural concept)

White Man's Burden was made in 1995, the plot is in a nutshell; John Travolta (Louis Pinnock) is a working class man raising a family in a bad neighbourhood, gets falsely accused as a peeping tom by his employer Harry Belafonte (Thaddeus Thomas) and is soon dismissed, losing his job and the callous way he loses it kicks off a chain reaction of bad news for Louis, who faces unemployment and eviction, after trying and failing to find a new job a desperate Louis kidnaps Thaddeus and tries to ransom him. The rest of the film is a sort of odd couple morality tale where a hostage Thaddeus is dragged through the slums and learns how the other half live while an increasingly desperate Louis tries to improvise ways to make his ransom plan work.

The unique selling point of this movie is that it takes place in an alternate reality USA where the racial dynamics are flipped upside down. Here the wealthy and politically dominant are Black Americans, and the White Americans are a marginalised underclass. Its not a great movie, but I feel its heart was in the right place, the reason it exists its to try and expose the features of societal racism to the group that gets the most out of the way society works. To paraphrase `Think racism is no big deal huh, well what if you were on the receiving end of it?` sort of moral lesson. I'm not American so I can't say how well its aged but its an interesting attempt at least. And Harry Belafonte does excellent work with what he's given, he's really convincing as an aloof casually bigoted wealthy patriarch who thoughtlessly uses the vast powers his position gives him to practically make or ruin many total strangers lives and doesn't even notice. And when he's being dragged through the films ghetto neighbourhoods he's believable as the scared and clueless fish out of water. As impractical and ill thought out as Louis's kidnapping plan is, Thaddeus has never had to be confronted in this way before and is equally hapless as he tries to placate the unstable Louis and use opportunities for escape and rescue. And his final transformation as man riddled with guilt over his own role in a horrible system, combined with his continued uselessness and unfamiliarity with his surroundings gives the film its emotional weight.

Its not a science fiction dystopia, its a pretty realistic depiction of a 1990s USA, just with the roles mirrored. The businessmen are all highly educated Black men, there are Black workers in the factories and services alongside white Americans, but the senior positions, the managers, foreman etc are mostly held by black workers. The unemployment office is bureaucratic and unhelpful, and they filmed the scenes depicting overwhelmingly white slums in the actually existing impoverished neighbourhoods that have overwhelming black and latinx populations, and the largely black police force behaves just like the largely white police force does. However there is a downside to this striving for a sense of realism, John Travolta does an accent, loaded with a slang dialect, he's doing this so the film can comment on how society penalises and judges minorities for behaving in ways that are perfectly normal for them, but different from that of the more powerful group that establishes normality. Problem is its very distracting, and it weakens his performance because so much of his energy is spent on keeping the accent going. 

Its not a perfect film, but it is watchable and while the message may seem a bit obvious to some, but when I saw it one night in the early 2000s, -I couldn't have been older than 13- certain parts of it did teach me things I honestly had never encountered or considered before. I grew up in a small town with very little ethnic diversity, so while I was aware that racism exists and is bad, it was always a bit abstract. This film helped me understand that it wasn't just individual ideology and beliefs that created racism and kept it going, but that a society founded for and on the benefit of some would perpetuate those views and relationships everywhere. I still remember the scene where they're channel surfing, and the cast of every single program be it adverts, soap operas, action movies, documentaries etc was starring black actors, and were usually depicting "typical American lifestyles and values" that were far removed from the lives lived by the white urban poor of the film. Which got me thinking, that's probably not because the heads of the tv channels are all individually actively racist, its because they're run by people who grew up in those life styles, and are marketing shows and products to that audience. But the effect of this is that the people who don't have any connections to those lifestyles, and cannot take part in the markets being targeted are essentially stuck watching another world that's foreign and alienating.

Another strength of the film is that it doesn't take easy ways out. Thaddeus is not like Scrooge, who totally changed his ways after being visited by three ghosts in the night. Thaddeus has been changed by what he's witnessed, but his one attempt at change is not accepted, is motivated largely by personal guilt and its made clear that even if his gestured had been accepted it wouldn't have changed anything truly important. At the start of the film he's part of a societal power structure that perpetuates cruelty, and he's powerful enough to inflict some of that on his own, but when it comes to making meaningful change he's powerless and buckles under the pressure. 

White Man's Burden isn't very popular, its critical reception is mixed and it doesn't come up in conversations often, but its not totally obscure either, dvds are still being sold at standard prices and clips aren't hard to find. But given the content and how our existing societies have developed since the 1990s, I would be very curious to see if this film could still get broadcast today and what its modern reception to a new audience was.