Key figures in Hitler's rise to power, Left to right, Dietrich Klagges, Alfred Hugenberg, Paul von Hindenburg and Franz von Papen |
A translation of Johann Chapoutot's article for Le Monde Diplomatique
Contrary to the popular belief, Adolph Hitler was not empowered by a popular vote. Instead, his rise was thanks to frequent parliamentary crisis and moral panics exploited by a press controlled by a far right magnate and the willing support of key industrialists and bankers. They all shared a desire to break the electoral momentum of the left and kill the social state.
The installation of the Nazis on the 30th of January 1933 was the gravest trauma to the conscience of every democrat. In the West Germany was a nation of high culture, science, research and technology, full of music, literature and philosophical glory and Nobel Prizes. It was also proudly the country with the oldest and most well-organised left wing movement in the world. With large Social Democratic and Communist Trade Unions and parties to match, who through their activism in the case of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) or the mere fact of its existence in regard to the Communist Party (KPD) managed to establish an advanced social democratic system by 1918-1919. But by 1920 the "Weimar Coalition" established by the SPD, German Democratic Party (DPP) and the Catholic Centre Party (DZP) had weakened electorally and was quickly replaced by moderate or right wing majorities, who strived to undo the progressive measure and social gains. In addition, the Social Democratic President Friedrich Ebert died in the middle of his mandate and was replaced in 1925 by the living fossil, the General Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, although in accordance with the law he swore loyalty to the Constitution and kept that oath.
The Treaty of Versailles and the contempt it inspired in many nations and costly economic reparations did not create an auspicious international situation. Despite that background, the German Democratic, Liberal and Parliamentary Republic worked to develop a democratic culture through regular balloting at the national level, within the federal states and through interparty dialogue. In fact, it was a coalition of the right and left headed by Gustav Stresemann (DVP, right wing) which in the Autumn of 1923 confronted the Occupation of the Ruhr, hyperinflation and the collapse of the German currency. This same coalition also faced several insurrections (Rhineland separatists tried to copy the Bolshevik revolution, and a failed putsch by Nazis in Bavaria). Once again since the 28th of June 1928 another grand coalition of parties helmed by Herman Muller (SPD) ran the German government. The great economic crisis (Wall Street crash) struck Germany in the Autumn of 1929. Its intensity destroyed the government when the right wing parties pushed for budget austerity while the left pushed for increasing unemployment benefits.
When no party could succeed in building a parliamentary majority, a small circle of advisers to the President, military officers, large landowners, industrialists and bankers, moved to alter normal constitutional practice and carried out a sort of permanent coup supported by the personal prestige and importance of Hindenburg. The right ruled through Presidential cabinets, often ignoring the Reichstag. Indeed, Article 48.2[1] of the 1919 Constitution permitted the head of state to enact laws by decree, even though this practice undermined democratic customs. It was supposed to be used only in periods of extreme danger, Ebert had used it often between 1919-23 to confront Communist and right wing insurrections. Now it was being used to push through budgetary measures that were extremely anti-social, cutting assistance for the unemployed and other welfare programs, and sector wide cuts to minimum wages.
Rebuilding the Army
In the opinion of the circle around the President, Brüning had made serious by continuing with austerity, his policy of transferring vast tracts of uncultivated lands in Germany's east as much of that land belonged to Germany's major landowners. Hindenburg was one of them: the majority of his social circle consisted of Junkers the landed nobility of Prussia and members of the army. In addition, there were tactical disagreements on how to handle the National Socialist Workers Party (NSDAP), after a failed attempt to negotiate with the Nazis Brüning decided to outlaw them by a decree passed in April 1932, this decree targetted the Nazis paramilitary groups the Storm troopers (SA) and the SS. General Kurt von Schleicher a high ranking military officer with influence in the Hindenburg clique disagreed with this policy, he considered the Nazi armed forces essential to defeat the Communists in the streets and rebuild the German army. In the brownshirt wearing street fighters, he saw high quality "human material" for the new German army the military high command dreamed of. That dream looked more realistic in 1932 after the reparation payments mandated by Versailles had ended and there was renewed hope that a relaxation of the cap on troop numbers of the Reichswehr (the new name of the German armed forces) that limited it to 100,000 men would soon follow. Secret intrigues, behind the scenes meetings, secret contacts and plots made behind the back of Brüning to weaken him and General Wilhelm Groener the Minister for Defence and the Internal Security, both were targetted due to their support for a ban on the Nazi paramilitary groups. In June 1932 these intrigues succeeded in toppling Brüning's Administration and nominating a new Chancellor Von Papan, as well as a new Cabinet in record time!
Papen was almost a political unknown: A member of Zentrum, (the Centre party) he was a Landtag deputy for the Prussian state parliament, Prussia was the most important state within the German Federal system, but Papen was discreet in method. An Aristocrat, ex-officer and businessman, he also had contacts and influence, he was also a member of the Herrenklub, a private members club whose membership were powerful and well-connected right wing businessman, state functionaries and military officers. To Schleicher he seemed the perfect figurehead ("I do not want a head, but a hat" he once said regarding this question of governance) to carry out his work of collaboration with the Nazis. Papen fulfilled this task by making the SA and SS legal once again, though when the Nazis carried out a massacre in the Summer of 1932, murdering over a hundred left-wing activists and sympathisers and some passers-by using bullets and clubs Papen was forced to pass a special decree outlawing political violence which specifically carried an unappealable death sentence. Regarding economic and social policy he had his own ideas: he continued the dismantling of welfare policies and supported economic subsidies and tax cuts for major companies, he carried out these policies under another law by decree on the 5th of September 1932. Papen, together with his circle of conspirators which including one of the "Great theorists" of Conservative Revolution Edgard Jung and Carl Schmitt
But, there was a third option. General Kurt von Schleicher, Chancellor since the 3rd of December 1932 proposed adopting a political programe that was social and nationalistic to convince Gregor Strasser the Nazi party number 2 to join the governing colation. Strasser had been disatisfied with his position within the party and the decline in support for the Nazis with voters and the Unions. He also returned to Brüning's old plan of using agrarian reform to combat unemployment, which angered Hindenburg and his closest advisers. Papen supported intrigues against Schleicher with the help of landowners, bankers and industrialists, who had been publicly advocating Hitler be given the Chancellorship since the 19th of November 1932. On the 4th of January 1933, a secret meeting was held by the banker Kurt von Schröder, the meeting decided upon organising a new goverment of the Right, Hitler as Chancellor, Papen as Vice Chancellor. The government would promote a "National politics" and oppose "Anti-national elements" and support private business interests. For over a year and a half Hitler had repeated meetings with important businessmen to reassure them that the Nazi party was not a social party and certainly not a socialist one, he was in fact the leader of political party that believed in re-armament, economic growth and the conquest of new markets in the East.
This was the chosen solution to the crisis. On noon on the 30th of January 1933 the new government took its oaths in front of Hindenburg who had been won over by the promise of Papen to keep Hitler under control and by the fact that since 1930 there were already three State goverments within Germany established through coalitions of the Nazis and the wider right[4]. On the 31st of January Hindenburg signed another decree for dissolution and call for what he hoped would be the last election. The democratic government of Article 48.2 would die and be replaced by a new openly Authoritarian government, one in which the traditional German Right, (Liberals and National Conservatives) and the Nazis unanimously desired.
Johan Chapotout
If public order and security are seriously disturbed or endangered within
the
Federation, the President . . may take all necessary steps for their
restoration, intervening,
if need be, with the aid of the armed forces. For the said purpose he may
suspend for the
time being, either wholly or in part, the fundamental rights described in
Articles 114, 115,
117, 118, 123, 124, and 153.
The general election is held not later than on the sixtieth day after
dissolution.
4: Five Federal states had Nazi governments before Hitler's rise to power nationally, I'm not sure which three are referenced here though I believe they would be the Free State of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the Free State of Brunswick, and the Free State of Thuringia, it was also the governor of Brunswick Dietrich Klagges who suceeded in granting Hitler German citizenship clearing several constitutional barriers to his participation in German politics.