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Tuesday, 30 September 2025

The railway hamlet - Chatcharin Chaiwat

 

 


The Railway Hamlet by Chatcharin Chaiwat


The sky was an orange glare. The firewood, piled high as three men standing on top of one another, and stretched out in a long line, hid the living-quarters of the railway employees from sight, and let us see only one jagged half of the sun. when struck by its rays, the pile of rotting logs loomed like an ancient mountain. The children of the railway clerks and the other employees liked to run and play on it. Once in a while one heard that some railwayman’s baby boy had slipped and fallen off.


The sight of the orange April sun and the different colors of the children’s kites, swooping and darting through the grey smoke of the train hurtling in towards the station, was a delight to the eye. It meant that the railwayman’s wives would now be stepping out onto their porches and telling their older children to put away their kites and run to meet their fathers off the train. And the younger kids would be scrambling up onto the porches and peering out over the pile of firewood, watching their fathers waving from within the incoming coaches.


As the kites were put away and the sound of the train gradually died down, the children would run to take their fathers by the hand, put on their big railwaymen’s hats-which would flop loosely down, completely covering their eyes-hoot with laughter, pick up the fruit and toys, and race each other down the red-earth road.


“Peng” was the smallest of them all and rarely got the chance to do what all the others did. He’d been fatherless for a while now. Before that, he’d always raced us for his father to watch. His father had worked on the same train as mine. “Peng”, for all his tiny size, was a mischievous lad, every inch the son of his hard-drinking father.


He had two younger siblings, aged seven and three, and a mother whose hair was always a tangled mess. In those days we all smiled scornfully at “Peng”, because we knew he had no father any more. He’d stand there, picking the dried snot out of his nose, and watch us walk back from the train hand in hand with our fathers. Sometimes he’d run after us, cling to my father’s shirt and stare into his eyes for a long time. Sometimes he’d run to carry things for Father, and even have the nerve to call him “Daddy”.


That was why I got into a fight with “Peng” the day the railway put on a film-show down at the station. I was furious with him because he called my father “Daddy,” and Father in turn seemed so sorry for him. Sometimes, too, he’d make so bold as to carry the toys I should have been the one to get from Father and bring home. He could run faster than I and he’d always bring things to my mother before I could.


On the evening of the film-show at the station, we fought till I gave him a bloody nose. I called him names till a grown-up came to put a stop to it, and smacked me hard on the bottom. Everyone said how sorry they felt for him… “Damn him!” I’d say to myself, “I love my father too. He’s got no right to take him away from me”.


Everyone knew that the father of “Peng” was my father’s subordinate. His job was coupling the coaches to the locomotives.


He was also a ticket-collector and porter- what they call a ham lo1.


We children remembered that day very well. The orange sky of the past few days had deepened into red. The train had come to a halt more quietly than usual, so quietly that even the children sensed something queer was up. There was an indescribable languor in the air. The kids were very tired that day, and were slow to run off to the station. “Peng” ran ahead of all the others, for today his father was coming home.


Not long after I’d brought Father’s things back to the house, to give him a bit of a rest, I realized something unusual had happened. All the people in the railwaymen’s quarters were clustered together, sitting and talking to one another, and staring at little “Peng”, who stood there picking his nose. Some muttered “How pitiful! His kids are still so young…” “Peng” came back to play with us as usual, but he seemed very quiet. Now, long afterwards, the word spread through the railway hamlet that as his father was coupling the coaches he’d been struck and dragged along the tracks through two stations, without anyone in the train noticing. I stood there staring at the corpse and “Peng”. It looked like meat chopped into jagged pieces. Most likely “Peng” couldn’t recognize his father either, for he didn’t cry, just stood there silent and impassive. My friends and I yelled at him that he was an ungrateful son for not crying when his father died.


The little kid had never been one to give in. Even though I was bigger than he, and taller by several spans, he fought me till my lips were split.


On the day of the funeral the whole railway hamlet seemed in a stupor. The children were all so scared that none of them dared to go out to take a bath that night. They were terrified that the ghost of the dead father would come to spook them. As soon as the drum began to thud, the sound of chanting monks could be heard throughout the hamlet. The children sat huddled in a group, all with their legs drawn up to their chests2. It was even scarier at my house, for Father and Mother had gone to help with the funeral ceremonies. We kids wouldn’t let ourselves be separated from one another for a moment. We drew our legs up till our knees were stiff and sore. And when darkness fell, not a single streetlamp gleamed. All the roads had turned pitch-black. The sweet, sad music of the pi and so3 made several of us start crying in spite of ourselves. Not long afterwards there was a tap at the door, and the sound of a childish voice:


“Please open up! Mother’s sent me over with some curry”. Everyone immediately recognized the voice as that of “Peng”, but no one dared to open the door. Only one was brave enough to stretch out his hand and slide back the bolt. “Peng” poked his nose in the doorway, a mirthless smile on his lips. It made me see his father’s face in his.


“Put the curry down, and get out! Who knows, maybe your father’ll come after you to spook us!” I shouted at him. “Peng” smiled and left at once, with a firm step.


Not long afterwards my father moved to another province, and I came to grow up on Bangkok, climbing steadily through the school system. At the time we moved, “Peng” had become a young pushcart-vendor, selling water from door to door, at 5 baht a cartful. His mother sole khao yam4 at the railway station.


When I was full grown, with a deeper voice and a higher education, I went back to inspect the piece of land that Father had bought in the hamlet. Some of the older railway people I’d known were still around, though they’d aged. Some who where still young girls when I’d lived there, and attractive enough to have young men hanging round them all the time, now sold fried bananas or sticky rice along the footpath beside the railroad tracks. When I went back to visit them, some of the railway old-timers would greet me saying:


“Hey! When did you get back? You’re Old So-and-so’s boy, aren’t you? You’ve sure turned into a real Bangkok kid!”


I felt even more proud that my clothes were quite different from those of the other young men in the hamlet, and my accent, had completely changed from what it used to be. When I spoke, in fact, many of them had to cock their heads to catch what is was saying. They couldn’t stop expressing their admiration-- though actually it was nothing special. I looked different from them only because I’d had a chance to live in Bangkok for a while and had had a better education. Father had made some money by doing business from province to province, so my status immediately seemed far removed from theirs.


I walked farther and farther out along the road. Some women who’d been my playmates in the old days followed me on their bicycles in a straggly line. The stamp of a Bangkok kid must have been displayed conspicuously on my chest. The dust-choked red-earth road was exactly the same as it had always been. It was still a road I ought to tread on proudly: I’d had more opportunities than it, and that made me its “better”.


Soon afterwards I ran into my old friend “Peng”. There was no dried snot in his nose like there used to be. But he was still undersized, just as in the old days. His wife was very pretty, and they’d had two children. “Peng” now worked as a station employee, through the patronage of the new station-master for whom he’d worked as a houseboy earlier on. His hair was now smoothly combed. The minute I reached his house, “Peng” clutched my hand tightly, and held it for a long time without uttering a word. His manner was very deferential, not at all the way it had once been. When I settled into a chair, he lowered himself to sit down on the floor, even though it was his own house. “Tell me how long you’re staying, so I can make something for you to eat on the way back.” “Peng” spoke with a strong rural accent, and smiled so broadly that I could see all his black cigarette-stained teeth.


The truth is I felt pretty uncomfortable, for in the old days we had been equals. Our fathers had had almost the same rank at work. Even though his father had been no worse than mine. He’d often treated me-- and fought with me-- without any inhibitions. Inwardly puzzling how and why two people, who came from the same place, whose way of life had been so similar, could become so unequal, I leaned back, chatting casually. There was something that made me want to dash over and embrace him as a dear old friend; yet something else held me back –I couldn’t say exactly what. I only remember thinking that his sitting lower down made it difficult for me to jump up and hug him to my heart’s content.


I was staying at a hotel in town and had become a sort of local glamor-boy. All kinds of people cycled up and down by my hotel. Old friends came crowding in to visit. And the rich kids, who used to ignore me, now came to take me out. So I didn’t get a chance to follow up the invitation from “Peng” to go have a drink at his house.


The last time I saw “Peng” he spoke to me just as respectfully and deferentially as before. “Won’t you come and have a drink at my house? Please do, I’ve got everything prepared. And I’ve wrapped up some nam phrik5 for you to eat on your journey back.” I had stopped in once at his house. But when I saw the food he’d prepared, I lost interest. He’d set out a big gurami with some liquor, kung yam6, stir-fried leafy vegetables—and plain water. So this time I excused myself rather feebly, and went off to drink with some other friends at a restaurant on the beach.


That day, as I was walking home late in the afternoon, my face felt strained and an indescribable sensation flashed through my body, for once again the sky was an orange glare, deep almost to the point of red. The long bank of firewood was a dull grey. I rubbed my eyes, thinking maybe it was drink that made my face feel tight. Inside, a sudden pang knifed through my heart. The atmosphere in the hamlet revealed the pattern right away. The people on the platform sat in huddles, deathly silent. I saw his 5-year-old kid standing there stark naked, holding a piece of bamboo and scraping it back and forth through clots of blood…


Fragments of flesh were still stuck to the railway tracks. The smell of the blood, smeared about like the tears on the cheeks of his wife, was nauseating. Stiffened feet, streaked with crusted blood, protruded from under the stretch of the drab-white covering-sheet…. Another station old-timer was dead. He’d caught his leg in the coupling, and had been struck and hurled aside by the train. The white sheet, bulging according to the shape of the body underneath, looked ghastly, as ghastly as the day when “Peng” poked his nose in and set the curry down in front of the door of my house. It was the station-master who bought coffin into which the corpse was slowly lowered. The sky grew dark, crumpled horribly. The sound of the train’s whistle moaned like someone in his death throes. Many people couldn’t hold back their tears.


Once again the drum thudded insistently, just as on the day when the father of “Peng” had died. But this time it was “Peng” himself who was lying in the coffin. The so played in short, sharp beats, as before. I felt the tears welling up in my eyes. My chest felt burning hot and suffocatingly tight. The long, towering pile of firewood looked like the wall of hell. And the jagged rim of the sun, which had almost vanished into the pile, seemed to be pointing out something over and over, as though it were a satanic spirit with the power to trample down and crush little people….


I stared at the sun so long that I felt dazed. And when it disappeared behind the firewood pile, my vision blurred. Everything I looked at turned red and purple. Not until someone brought me a handkerchief to wipe the tears from my eyes did I realize that I was crying, crying hard. My old friend’s eldest boy was still running about playing with his kite, as before. But when he ran close to the stroller of the station-master’s baby, he stopped still, stood looking at it and then stretched out his hand to touch it. Whereupon he was roughly shoved to the ground by the stationmaster’s servant, who grabbed the chubby, cuddly baby by the hand and hurried it into the house.


Watching this scene, I felt I had no tears left to weep. The long railway tracks extended into our little hamlet in parallel lines which never met, even at the station’s end. The little station-worker was never given the opportunities we had. All he could do was wait and scramble for any chance that might come by. No one had ever given “Peng” and his children any security in life. I felt certain that what had happened to “Peng” would be forgotten before long. There’d still be people selling sticky rice on the station platform. There’d be a new young worker in his place—who might well be his own son. And so it would go, on and on, over and over. People would always say: “Don’t brood over such a trifle. It’s not worth it.”


My friends were urging me to leave, when some said exactly these words, insisting that I not get too involved. After all, he said, everyone dies some day. It must have been because the sun had just disappeared that I was confused enough to say out loud: “You know, he’s not really dead at all. Do you see his two little kids? Do you see his wife? Do you see their future? That’s just it, no one sees. Where will those two kids end up? It’s not over yet. I know for sure that it’s not over yet. It’ll happen again, over and over, because no one gives a damn about these little people”.


I remember bursting into the most racking sobs at that funeral.

1An all-purpose term for unskilled railway laborers.

2In many parts of Siam, it is believed that ghosts like to seize children by their feet.

3The pi is a kind of oboe, the so a kind of vio.

4Khao yam is a Southern Thai dish made of rice, vegetables, and a spicy sauce.

5Nam phrik is a condiment made of shrimp paste, lime-juice, hot pepper, and garlic.

6Kung yam is a dish made of prawns, lemon-juice, and hot pepper.

Wednesday, 24 September 2025

Cutting through the Babble

 


The UK's branch of the Industrial Workers of the World has been stepping up its publications. One of the newest is a journal called Wobbly Times. The theme for the first issue which will be released soon was "Workers of the World United" a great choice, but at the time they were calling for submissions I could not think of anything to fit it.

Yesterday I attended an IWW writers workshop and this idea came to me.

You may recall that I used to work in a cold factory producing frozen foods. There's a stereotype of a factory proletarian being this salt of earth man full of muscles, the reality was that the workforce was the most diverse I've ever encountered. Many women, every age from "are you sure your 18?" To "Shouldn't you have retired already?" Workers with mental and physical disabilities including me, and workers from many ethnic backgrounds and many being immigrants.

The canteen and the outside corner where the smokers gathered and the bike shed were full of accents, slang and languages. 

The langauge barrier is a serious obstacle to international and even intranational co-operation, at the factory even though we were all polite and friendly to each other groups formed around first language for the most part. Revolutionary groups have struggled with how to overcome this obstacle, some invest heavily in translation departments, others promote a 'workers language' either Russian, Spanish, English or Esperanto etc.

I don't have a silver bullet for this problem, but I do have some observations. While outside of work the differences were obvious they largely disappeared on the factory floor. Lack of fluency in English or any other langauge didn't matter so much since it was simply too loud to talk in a meaningful way.

Conversations were short with only the most important words and punctuated with pointing and gestures. Body langauge was also heavily reduced since we were all covered in the same white overcoats and gloves and hair nets. If you were clean shaven you could still use your face to smile or look concerned but if you had any peach fuzz you had to cover your snout with a snood. 

In a strange way the tempo and organisation of the factory leveled the differences between us and we spoke a common langauge. There were of course limits to this language, there wasn't much room for abstraction and elaboration. But it was still a useful tool in building some links between us all. We gave warnings about bits of machine that liked to bite and grab, laughed at terrible supervisors who thought they were cool and tough, helped out the newbies or the ones who were having trouble.

I still think that communication is serious obstacle to building a movement capable of challenging the global capitalist order, but I am atleast confident that it is an obstacle that can be overcome with enough effort.

Thursday, 18 September 2025

The Peer Review Issue 02: Ten Theses on Science and Radicalism

 

The source zine can be found on the Internet Archive.

Letter from the Editor

The anarchist response to the emergence of COVID-19 put divisions in the movement into stark relief. On the one hand, many recognized its severity and the resulting need for quarantine, social distancing, and vaccination. There was a strong moral imperative to protect those who were immunocompromised, elderly, or at heightened risk, even if it meant sacrificing some personal freedoms. On the other hand, many decried the state response to the pandemic as authoritarian, the enforcement of vaccine mandates as dictatorial, and the involvement of big pharmaceutical companies in producing and marketing the vaccine as encouraging the capitalist stranglehold on health. As the writer of Anathema put it, “In the name of ‘public health’ all sorts of security measures are coming together to create an authoritarian wet dream” (“COVID-19: A Fork in the Road,” 2020, p. 3).

In many cases these are valid critiques. In the Philippines, for example, soldiers with assault rifles patrolled quarantine checkpoints during the early days of the pandemic (Magsalin, 2020), and the steps the Chinese Communist Party took enforce lockdown orders can only be described as despotic. Despite this, though, the pandemic offered opportunities for anarchists to organize—especially in mutual aid networks, eviction protests, and rent strikes (Firth, 2020).

In the five years since the pandemic began, however, I fear these legitimate criticisms have morphed into a broader distrust of science and medicine in the anarchist space. An anonymous writer to Montreal Counter-Information feared that we as a society now demand that “experts tucked away in labs using esoteric methods act as the only voices in the room to generate one-size-fits-all policy declarations for entire nations” (Anonymous, 2021). Another anonymous writer to i giorni e le notti (reprinted in English in The Local Kids) accused the creators of the COVID-19 vaccine of being “eugenicists ––and sterilizers of poor women” (Anonymous, 2022, section iv). I’ve met anti-vax punks at shows, and I’ve heard rumors that others have encountered the same (three6666, 2023). And this is setting aside the existing critiques of science and technology posed by primitivists. All of this echoes the anti-science and anti-health sentiments that have engulfed the right wing.

Years before the pandemic, William Gillis noted, “It’s no secret that a good portion of the left today considers science profoundly uncool” (2015). As our title suggests, The Peer Review runs contrary to that assertion. This issue is devoted to exploring ten theses about science and public health, as seen through a radical anarchist lens.

1. Every Anarchist Should Be a Scientist…

In the article that provides the title for this thesis, Isis Lovecruft (2016) wrote, “We should never allow ourselves to become so rigid as to forget what makes us anarchists in the first place: childlike curiosity, incessant inquiry, and a radical love for taking things to their roots to further our understanding. We seek to dismantle the world around us, knowing that it does not function as well as it could. We want to understand ourselves, our environment, and each other. We want the blueprints for the social machine, so we can sledgehammer the fuck out of it, and build it back up from scratch” (p. 5). And, as she points out, that sounds quite a bit like science.

In describing science, A.R. Prasanna reminds us that it “is not just a collection and collation of known facts,” but “a philosophy derived out of experience, innovation, and verification or validation” (2022, p. 6). It is not simply sterile empiricism or institutional authority, but rather a restless pursuit of understanding. In this light, the anarchist drive to dismantle the social machine and rebuild it “from scratch” echoes the foundations of science—it’s not a dogma to follow blindly, but a process grounded in experience, exploration, and discovery. In that sense, it’s not that every anarchist should be a scientist—it’s that every anarchist is a scientist.

2. …and Every Scientist Should Be an Anarchist

As William Gillis (2016) wrote in the article that—similar to Lovecruft—gave this thesis its name, “Control can only be achieved through disengagement and rigidity. And so any successful power structure must involve mechanisms to punish and suppress habits of inquiry” (p. 1). It is no secret that science, both as an area of study and a community, has its problems. Overreliance on funding either from private industry or from the government places restrictions—both overt and subtle—on what can and can’t be studied. It is exorbitantly expensive to publish in some of the most prestigious journals, with Nature charging authors as much as €9,500 ($10,800 in April 2025) for review and publication (Brainard, 2020). Women, persons with disabilities, and ethnic and racial minorities are disproportionately underrepresented in STEM careers (National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, 2021).

Far from stifling scientific innovation, an anarchist society could work to resolve many of these issues. Bureaucratic inefficiencies will be reduced by dismantling and collectivizing large research organizations. The abolition of social and material hierarchies will provide underrepresented individuals greater opportunity to study science. The embrace of a community model (see thesis #4) will prevent the accumulation of capital by the benefactors of scientific research and instead focus on what benefits specific communities the most. In short, anarchism has a plethora of solutions to offer any scientist interested in improving the existing system.

3. Science is Methodical, Not Political

Unlike what tech billionaires will have you believe, technocracy is not the logical or inevitable result of embracing science. In the worst-case scenario, “Those of higher knowledge, status, or authority—experts—take it upon themselves, justified by their epistemic monopoly, to both define and solve the problem for nonexperts” (Byland & Packard, as cited in Caplan, 2023, p. S107). Nonexperts, in this situation, are expected to simply accept what the experts decide. In response, Arthur Caplan points out that “correcting that problem hardly means rejecting the input of scientific experts…Science tells us what can be done; the political task is to decide what ought be done within the constraints and boundaries that science provides” (2023, p. S107). Technocracy is a failure of democracy—not of science—and good scientists can inform the public on important issues without claiming political authority over those topics.

In fact, scientists oftentimes rebel against contemporaneous political power. The Roman Inquisition burned Giordano Bruno at the stake in 1600 for arguing that the universe contained other stars and planets. Apotex, a multinational pharmaceutical company, publicly attacked Nancy Olivieri in the 1990s after her research found that one The Roman Inquisition burned Giordano Bruno at the stake in 1600 for arguing that the universe contained other stars and planets. Apotex, a multinational pharmaceutical company, publicly attacked Nancy Olivieri in the 1990s after her research found that one of their drugs, deferiprone, caused liver dysfunction. The German right wing was enraged by Albert Einstein’s work on relativity (as well as his pacifism), which led to Nazi officials stripping him of his academic positions and publicly burning his books. While scientists can sometimes assume positions of authority, science itself is only a method of uncovering empirical facts about the world. And sometimes those facts run contrary to existing power structures.

4. Science Should Be Done with Communities, Not to Communities

Science is most effective when it is the product of collaboration, especially with research subjects. Historically, scientists and researchers have often treated the communities they are working with purely as sources of data, ignoring the impact their research has on the rights and well-being of the participants. The Tuskegee syphilis experiment is one of the most notorious examples: the U.S. Public Health Service spent forty years studying the progression of syphilis in a group of impoverished black men, giving them sugar pills as “treatment” and, for some participants, failing to inform them that they had the disease at all (Jones, 2008). Luckily, we are beginning to see signs of change. There has been a concerted push in recent decades to see communities as partners in research rather than a means to an end.

Citing a long history of exploitation in research, especially among indigenous peoples, Emily Doerksen et al. noted in their 2024 paper “Community-led approaches to research governance” that the communities that are commonly studied have been increasingly “voicing their demands for authority in the governance of research involving them” (p. 2). They identify three strategies that have been employed:

  1. The development of research guidelines by community representatives,

  2. Community review boards to assess the ethics of proposed research initiatives in their jurisdictions

  3. Community advisory boards that work in tandem with researchers to ensure that their cultural norms are being respected

Such governance helps to move science in a more participatory direction that ultimately has the potential to benefit both researchers and research subjects.

There is certainly still much to be done, and a number of scientists doggedly refuse to abide by these practices. However, Doerksen et al.’s work, as well as the work of other clinical ethicists, shows that there are possibilities to move beyond the quasi-colonial approaches of yesteryear.

5. Bring Down the Lab Elite, Not the Lab

Justin Podur (2014) distinguishes between three aspects of being a scientist: Science A, Science, B, and Science C. Science A (for Authority) is the authoritative stance that scientists can take when discussing matters of public interest. Science B (for Business) is the pragmatic, day-to-day routine of being a scientist: applying for grants, trying to publish in elite journals, etc. Science C (for Curiosity) is what science is supposed to be—it is the fundamental curiosity that drives scientists to try to understand the world. In his view, too much emphasis on Science B has turned science into an elitist, profit-driven enterprise that has moved scientists further from Science A and Science C. He writes, “Most of what scientists do is try to raise funds, generate publications in prestigious journals, find students to work on their projects, and keep up with other scientists according to these metrics. Science B operates like other sectors of capitalist society”​ (2014). Science must be liberated from the “dictates of profit” in order to return it to its intended purpose.

William Gillis (2015) sees the same elitism at work. He distinguishes the scientific method from “Science!” (with a capital S and an exclamation point), or the view that the world can be systematized, ordered, and ultimately dominated. The latter functions as a surrogate for corporate domination: “Science! is how our paymasters excuse the damage our widget causes in military or economic application” (2015). He, however, sees science (with a lowercase s) as fundamentally radical—rather than merely an empirical pursuit, it is a search for the “deepest roots” of the physical universe. Scientists must remember to keep “digging for the roots” in order to maintain the spirit of scientific inquiry.

What both writers mean, I believe, is that we can reject the parts of scientific culture that are laser-focused on attaining grant awards, abusing grad students, and kowtowing to the desires of big business. What will remain is the core characteristics of the scientific method: curiosity, hypothesis, and discovery. In short, there’s no reason to throw the baby out with the bathwater—we can focus on moving science away from its dependence on corporate interests and back to its original spirit.

6. Nobody Knows Everything…

The belief that individuals can be wholly self-sufficient is a myth. In reality, each of us has only a scattering of the skills we need to thrive in the modern age (and the pre-modern age too, for that matter). We need to rely on others to help us with the remainder. Human beings are social animals—we have been grouping together for hundreds of thousands of years in order to survive, and that impulse will not be disappearing anytime soon. In fact, the drive to be entirely self-sufficient echoes a profoundly capitalist mindset. In “Against Self-Sufficiency,” Sever writes, “We never bear our own weight, and to speak truthfully, we never feed ourselves” (2017, p. 32). They argue that self-sufficiency—defined here as a complete lack of dependence on others—is in fact an illusion that arose from capitalism, colonialism, and bourgeois individualism. The desire to rely only on oneself for survival obscures an important truth: community is absolutely essential. (Yes, it’s ironic that I’m quoting an Anti-Civ publication in a zine about science. But while I disagree with much of primitivism, Sever still makes some good points).

Mutual aid frameworks begin with this understanding. Dean Spade defines mutual aid as “collective coordination to meet each other’s needs, usually from an awareness that the systems we have in place are not going to meet them” (2020, p. 11). Whether in the form of soup kitchens, legal assistance, or housing support, mutual aid is built on cooperation and interpersonal solidarity. No single person is a doctor, a mechanic, an elementary school teacher, and a librarian, but every community needs someone with each of these skills in order to run smoothly.

7. …but Everybody Knows Something

Science, when done correctly, can fit well into the concept of mutual aid. Scientists have developed a specific skillset and corpus of knowledge over lifetimes of study, and these particular competencies are useful not only in laboratories but in daily life. Prasanna, for example, writes that the scientific thought process begins with ordinary curiosity: “It is something we all see and experience in day-to-day routines if only we stop and question after the action as to why did I do it?” (2022, p. viii). Science—good science, at least—doesn’t require researchers to shut themselves in universities away from the world. Rather, science actually opens pathways to participate in community building.

Modern capitalist societies tend to emphasize the partitioning of both individuals and knowledge into tiny, self-sealing pieces. Mutual aid models, by contrast, are built on interdependence—epistemic as well as material. We should be thinking together, not simply living together. Contrary to assumptions connecting science and technocracy, scientists should not act as infallible authorities in a society, but as contributors—trusted, yes, but also embedded in a much larger network of thinking individuals. As Prasanna further notes, science is a “continuous process with a firm beginning but never-ending” (2022, p. x). The more voices that are added to the process, the better.

Thus, scientific expertise can a boon to anarchist societies rather than a detriment. Instead of seeing science as a monolithic authority, esoteric and isolated, we can see it as an essential piece for the survival of a mutually dependent community.

8. No One Is Healthy by Themselves

Health isn’t fully determined by behavior, genetic makeup, or random chance: it is profoundly shaped through our environments. The social determinants of health are well-established—working conditions, housing, social inclusion, access to medical services, and other situational factors all have a lasting effect on one’s health. Similarly, infectious disease control, air and water quality, and crisis management all require community-based solutions. Thus, health is not just a biomedical issue. It is a collective condition that requires collective approaches to address.

Public health, at its root, is about populations, not individuals. This community-centered orientation distinguishes it from clinical medicine, which is largely individualistic, and situates one’s health within the larger social fabric. As Mary-Jane Schneider (2020) puts it, “Whereas medicine is concerned with individual patients, public health regards the community as its patient” (p. 86). The COVID-19 pandemic brought this distinction to the forefront of the public’s consciousness—a person’s risk of becoming ill with the virus didn’t depend only on their choices, but on whether others wore masks, had paid sick leave, and got vaccinated. No single person had the power to stop its spread, and this highlighted the need for population-wide interventions.

9. Care Without Coercion is Possible

Marcus Hill (2009) connects public health with radical values in his pamphlet Fragments of an Anarchist Public Health. In his view, health politics should ultimately be driven by consensus, not structured around an authoritarian approach. Instead, a major aim of public health should be to “encourage individuals to become involved in collective efforts to improve the structural determinants of their health” (2009, p. 3). For Hill, a healthy society does depend on health services. However, equity and participation—values that have been emphasized in anarchist thought for almost two centuries—can and should be incorporated into a more inclusive public health approach.

Hill points to several concrete examples of decentralized public health in action. The Zapatistas organized community-level health services among the indigenous peoples of Chiapas after the Mexican government failed to provide support, eventually founding a hospital in 1991 that runs independently of the state. The Ithaca Health Alliance in Ithaca, NY provides interest-free loans for individuals to repay medical debt. The Gesundheit! Institute, founded by Patch Adams, seeks to entirely redesign the health system in the United States by opposing market-based models of healthcare delivery. These projects have sought to make systemic changes by reshaping institutions “along the lines of participatory social values” (Hill, 2009, p. 5). Along those lines, Hill advocates for the creation of a healthcare system built around anarcho-syndicalist concepts, in which federations of local health groups collaborate to address broad issues in health.

This is only one possible path to a public health that is anti-authoritarian. Ultimately, health is a commons—it is defined by whether our neighbors have care, whether our workplaces both equitable and effective. Though public health has had its failures (sometimes spectacular ones) and has been host to broad abuses of power, it is nonetheless necessary to maintain our collective well-being. The key is to promote non-capitalist and non-centralized forms of public health that can work within an anarchist system.

10. Understanding Comes from Participation

Science is often associated with detached geniuses, corporate research, and ivory towers. There are as many different approaches to science as there are scientists, however: there are curious physicists, auto-didactic engineers, radical biologists, and indigenous ecologists. It can be practiced in basements and squats just as well as it is practiced in laboratories and clinics. Rather than treating it as the enemy, I encourage anarchists to see the radical potential of science and become scientists themselves.

Sources

Anonymous. (2021, February). On the anarchist response to the global pandemic. Montreal Counter-Information. https://mtlcounterinfo.org/on-the-anarchist-response-to-the-global-pandemic/

Anonymous. (2022, Summer). Theses on COVID-1984. The Local Kids, 8, 8–23. https://thelocalkids.noblogs.org/files/2022/06/tlk08.pdf

Brainard, J. (2020, November 24). For €9500, Nature journals will now make your paper free to read. Science. https://www.science.org/content/article/9500-nature-journals-will-now-make-your-paper-free-read

Caplan, A. L. (2023). Regaining trust in public health and biomedical science following covid: The role of scientists. In L. A. Taylor, G. E. Kaebnick, & M. Z. Solomon (Eds.), Time to rebuild: Essays on trust in health care and science [Hastings Center special report, 53(5)] (pp. S105-S109). Hastings Center. https://doi.org/10.1002/hast.1531

COVID-19: A fork in the road. (2020, March/April). Anathema, 7(3), 1, 3. https://anathema.noblogs.org/files/2020/04/mar-apr_2020.pdf

Doerksen, E, Gunay, A. E., Neufeld, S. D., & Friesen, P. (2024). Community-led approaches to research governance: A scoping review of strategies. Research Ethics, 1–27. https://doi.org/10.1177/17470161241269154

Firth, R. (2021). Mutual aid, anarchist preparedness and COVID-19. In J. Preston & R. Firth (Eds.), Coronavirus, class and mutual aid in the United Kingdom (pp. 57–111). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57714-8_4

Gillis, W. (2016). Every scientist should be an anarchist. Anarcho-transhuman, 2, 1–4. https://anarchotranshumanzine.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/h2.pdf

Gillis, W. (2018, August 18). Science as radicalism. Human Iterations. https://humaniterations.net/2015/08/18/science-as-radicalism/

Hill, M. A. (2009, July 8). Fragments of an anarchist public health. ZNetwork. Retrieved April 22, 2025 from https://znetwork.org/znetarticle/fragments-of-an-anarchist-public-health-developing-visions-of-a-healthy-society-by-marcus-hill/

Jones, J. (2008). The Tuskegee syphilis experiment. In E. J. Emanuel, C. C. Grady, R. A. Crouch, R. K. Lie, F. G. Miller, & D. D. Wendler (Eds.), The Oxford textbook of clinical research ethics (pp. 86–96). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195168655.003.0009

Lovecruft, I. (2016). Every anarchist should be a scientist. Anarcho-transhuman, 2, 5–6. https://anarchotranshumanzine.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/h2.pdf

Magsalin, S. (2020, April 2). Against a quarantine with martial law characteristics. Bandilang Itim. https://bandilangitim.xyz/library/simoun-magsalin-against-a-quarantine-with-martial-law-characteristics-en

National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics. (2021). Women, minorities, and persons with disabilities in science and engineering. https://ncses.nsf.gov/pubs/nsf21321/report/

Podur, J. (2014). Science and Liberation. Anarcho-transhuman, 2, 19–27. https://anarchotranshumanzine.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/h2.pdf

Prasanna, A. R. (2022). How to learn and practice science. Springer Nature Switzerland. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14514-8

Schneider, M. J. (2022). Introduction to public health (6th ed.). Jones & Bartlett Learning.

Sever. (2017, Summer). Against self-sufficiency: The gift. Black Seed, 5, 32. https://archive.org/details/black_seed_5/

Spade, D. (2020). Mutual aid: Building solidarity during this crisis (and the next). Verso.

three6666. (2023, July 9). What’s the deal w anti-vax punks? [Online forum post]. Reddit. https://web.archive.org/web/20241216142958/https://www.reddit.com/r/punk/comments/14v3gq8/whats_the_deal_w_antivax_punks/

Friday, 12 September 2025

LOR Aftermath

 


 Some more news regarding Lindsey Oil Refinery. Since the beginning of August there have been sporadic protests, the one in the photograph was held at the refinery, you may recognise it from photos of the wildcat strike. There was also a march down the seafront in Cleethorpes and a rally outside parliament. My stepdad attended the refinery protest, he said the turnout was low, but he was impressed with the calibre of the speakers. He didn't recognise any of them, those two facts mean they must've been UNITE bigwigs, none of the local reps are praised for their oratory. 

This hasn't moved the government, who are haemorrhaging support here. Officially, LOR is still open and running, though you'd be hard-pressed to tell. My friend who's an inspector has very little to inspect and has been polishing his CV and looking for other work. My cousin who is a firefighter at the refinery secured a job at the sister refinery Conoco only to be told that since LOR is still technically open they can't take any of the fire and safety staff on as LOR can't source any replacements. Which is very odd since LOR has already downsized and Conoco is next door and the two refineries already collaborate on safety and rescue operations. That's regulations for you! 

I have found out that regarding the full staff (not including contractors) will be made redundant in two waves, the first is rumoured to be in October, the second at the end of the year. I've also been told by several people that they're planning to do it via the two rooms method. Everyone gets called into one of two rooms, and then they find out if they've been let go or not. I hope that's just a rumour because that's brutally cold. 

There's also been an update on that training pledge. There is a commitment from the government to pay for retraining of redundant staff (contractors out of luck again) into new industries, renewables seems to be the one they're aiming for. This has been taken as insult on top of injury. It's not a bad choice all things considered, the renewable sector is a growing part of the local economy, travelling from Immingham to LOR you pass multiple warehouses, many of which are involved in recycling and batteries. Siemens is a big investor in the area as is Myenergy a company that makes batteries for electric cars and chargers. You may recognise Myenergy as it's the official sponsors of Grimsby Town Football Club replacing Young's Seafood, it expanded operations aggressively but had its own round of layoffs last year. 

Grimsby UNITE office, displaying photos from the rallies against LOR closure

 

While this is feeding into an anti-zero sentiment, the real issue is how's it been handle. Since the refinery is winding down and redundancies are coming, you might think it'd be a good idea to offer the retraining now, perhaps in stages, however it will only be available once you've been made redundant. The training will take months, if not a year, so the workers are faced with a choice to take any work they can find or go without for nearly a year and hope that a job will be available once it's completed. To make matters worse the training contract has not been given to the local industrial training providers it's been given to providers further afield, so transport will be an issue, and it's wasted an opportunity to invest in the local economy. The area has a well-developed apprenticeship and training system with multiple providers, covering engineering, manufacturing, electricians etc. And most importantly they have connections with the industrial employers including the renewables sector.

The response by the government seems tailor-made to piss off and alienate the entire population.  Every step they take or do not take indicates a gross ignorance of the region and a lack of interest. The only thing remotely approaching good news is that the people I know who work for LOR are "safe" relatively speaking. It's also been confirmed that there are buyers interested in the site, though who they are and what specifically they're interested in and willing to keep open and how many jobs they'll secure remain to be seen. A buyer might re-hire some experienced hands, but they may also decide to bring in their own employees. It's difficult to speculate, but LOR in its entirety probably won't disappear completely, but we won't know what will remain. 


Saturday, 6 September 2025

The Peer Review Issue 01: The Anarchists Guide to Critical Thinking

 

The original pamphlet with more illustrations can be found on the internet archive.
 

Peer Review Issue 01 Transcript


What is critical thinking...


Some writers and philosophers have approach defining it broad strokes: Robert Ennis, who spent six decades writing about the topic, claimed that critical thinking is simply “reasonable reflective thinking that is focused on deciding what to believe or do.” (1991, p. 8). Similarly, Sharon Bailin and her colleagues identified only three characteristics that make thinking critical: (1) it is done to determine what to believe about something, (2) the thinker is trying to meet some standards of adequacy in their thinking; and (3) the thinker does meet those standards to an appropriate degree (1999).


Others have focused more specifically on critical thinking as applied to argumentation. Mark Battersby, for example, defines it as “the ability and inclination to assess claims and arguments” (2016, p. 7), and stresses the importance of evaluating evidence to expose false claims. Regardless of whether the definition is generic or specific, though, most writers agree that critical thinking is a habit that requires practice to master.


..and why should you

give a fuck?


Far from a bourgeois ideology, critical thinking is a necessary tool for anarchists. Anarchism demands that individuals be able to think accurately and effectively. From being able to spot exploitative power structures to understanding the minutiae of alternative economic theories, anarchism is far more than just tossing pipe bombs at cop cars. Even the most aware anarchist is in danger of falling for misinformation, conspiracy theories, and cults of personality— and before you think you're immune, remember that you have identical brain structures to the people who fall for it all the time. To avoid those traps, anarchists need to be able to think for themselves. When done right, critical thinking is a necessary step in the path to liberated, individual thinking.


Here’s the plan


There’s a longstanding debate about whether critical thinking skills are generalizable (in that there is a single skillset that applies to all areas of inquiry) or if it’s domain-specific (in that each discipline—math, science, history, philosophy, etc.—has its own set of critical thinking skills). I’m choosing to split the difference. In Part One, we'll address two generalizable skills: first, we'll discuss evidence gathering and assessment, and second, we’ll talk about heuristics, biases, and fallacies. In Part Two, I'll present a guide to critical thinking specifically designed for anarchists, based on Daniel Willingham’s 2019 paper “How to Teach Critical Thinking.” Willingham outlines four steps that should be taken when teaching critical thinking about any topic: first, identify what “critical thinking” means in that domain; second, identify the knowledge that is necessary for each understanding of critical thinking, third, create a sequence in which that knowledge should be learned; and fourth, revisit and relearn. With that, let’s get started.


PART ONE GENERALIZABLE SKILLS

1. EVIDENCE

When assessing any proposition, argument, or problem, a good thing to ask is: how good is the evidence? Every argument requires evidence: if someone were to claim that leprechauns are real, we shouldn’t take their claims at face value. Rather, we should ask for the proof. After that, we should assess if the evidence they provide is adequate.



In his book Is That a Fact? Mark Battersby divides the assessment process into two steps. First, ask if the evidence supports the determination. He uses the example of a letter to the editor published in 7ime, in which the author claims that her “85-year-old mother powerwalks two miles each day, drives her car (safely), climbs stairs, does crosswords, reads the daily paper and could probably beat [your columnist] at almost anything.” Thus, so the writer believes, people in this era must be “living to a healthy and ripe old age” (2016, p. 14). As Battersby points out, however, just because the writer’s grandmother does these things does not mean that all elderly people can do these things—the premise does nothing to support the conclusion. Whether or not the evidence is true, you should be skeptical of an argument if the evidence doesn’t provide any basis for the conclusion. Second, you should ask if the evidence is credible. If the above mentioned writer had cited a study instead of using her own grandmother as an example, you should ask if the sample size was adequate and if the study was funded by organizations that may have an interest in promoting its conclusion. Or if she had cited a poll conducted among senior citizens, you should pay attention to question bias (when the phrasing of the poll questions influences the responses) and context bias (when the context of the poll, such as a preliminary introduction by the researchers or the environment of the responder, influences the responses) (Battersby, 2016, pp. 29 & 52). Above all, you should seek to verify that the information being given to you is correct—if the premise is false it could point to an invalid or unfounded conclusion.

Philosophical razors are rules of thumb that can be used to metaphorically “shave off” unlikely premises and conclusions. The principle of parsimony, for example, holds that explanations should be as simple as possible. The most famous formulation of it, Occam’s Razor, states that we should only accept the more complicated theory if the simpler one cannot explain the event (Battersby 2016, p. 23). If you hear a crash, walk upstairs, and see a baseball, broken glass, and a group of kids with bats and mitts running away, the most likely explanation is that they were playing baseball and hit a ball through your window. The theory that aliens broke your window and planted the baseball there to frame the innocent kids should likely be rejected unless the first explanation doesn’t account for some aspect of the situation.

Similarly, the Sagan Standard, attributed to Carl Sagan in his book Broca’s Brain, holds that extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence (1979, p. 73). The claim that a new treatment will cure any type of cancer in less than twenty minutes requires much more proof than the claim that diet and exercise help you lose weight. There are many other philosophical razors in existence, but a word of caution: while razors provide good bases for ruling out bad arguments, they are not foolproof. Though it is overwhelmingly unlikely, perhaps aliens did plant that baseball, and that new treatment does cure cancer. So, while they may provide a quick-and-easy method of detecting bullshit, they are not infallible.

2.HEURISTICS BIASES AND FALLACIES



Heuristics

Human beings (yourself included) are prone to biases, fallacies, and unclear thinking. The work of Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman (1974) showed that we tend to rely on quick rules of thumb, called heuristics, when making probability judgments. While useful when making quick decisions, heuristics are prone to error, as when one estimates the probability of a heart attack occurring among a certain age group based on how many people they know have had heart attacks. Who you know that has had a heart attack has no bearing on the actual percentage of people that do, similar to how Battersby’s writer assumed that all elderly people are fit and healthy because her grandmother is.

Cass Sunstein (2005) extended Tversky and Kahneman’s work to include moral judgments, identifying a list of heuristics that tend to guide us when making ethical decisions. He includes, for example, the Betrayal Heuristic (in which an offense that includes a betrayal of trust is often judged as more immoral than one that does not include treachery, such as a close friend stabbing someone in the back rather than a known rival) and the Outrage Heuristic (in which most people’s judgment of how harsh a punishment should be is related to how outraged they are by the offense). Like Tversky and Kahneman, he argues that these rules of thumb are prone to giving inconsistent or incorrect guidance. One thing to watch out for when assessing claims (especially your own claims!) is the underlying heuristics that the claimant is using.



Biases

A number of other cognitive biases exist, too. Confirmation bias is the tendency for individuals to unconsciously reject information that doesn’t align with their existing beliefs. As Margit Oswald and Stefan Grosjean put it, confirmation bias means that “information is searched for, interpreted, and remembered in such a way that it systematically impedes the possibility that the hypothesis can be rejected” (2004, p. 79).

Framing effects occur when individuals draw different conclusions from the same information depending on how that information is presented. People are more likely to buy yogurt that is advertised as “92% fat free” than they are yogurt that is advertised as “8% full fat” even though they are the same product. This is because the advertiser is “framing” the first with positive language and the second with negative. Problematically, this means that “people will choose inconsistently in the sense of making different and opposed choices in decision problems that are essentially identical” (Kamm, 2007, p. 424)—in other words, how a problem is framed will affect what people decide to do about it, even though the framing doesn’t actually have anything to do with the problem.



Finally, the illusory truth effect occurs when continued repetition of a claim causes it to seem truer than alternatives, even if it is false. First identified in a 1977 paper by Lynn Hasher, David Goldstein, and Thomas Toppino, they found that their test subjects rated a statement as more likely to be true if it was repeated to them rather than if they read it once. Importantly, this is a prominent reason why propaganda techniques such as the Big Lie (like Trump’s claim that he won the 2020 election) and the firehose of falsehood (like Trump’s constant and endless lying) work.



Fallacies

Unlike heuristics and biases, which affect how people process claims, fallacies are mistakes made in the reasoning behind claims. There are hundreds, but below are some of the more common ones:

  • Sweeping generalization — The arguer expands a specific case into a general principle that does not always apply. For example, claiming “People from that city are always rude” takes what may be true of some residents (rudeness) and generalizes it to all residents.

  • Begging the question -The arguer leaves out an important premise to their argument, usually because they assume that it is settled and does not need to be addressed. The claim “Killing an innocent person is murder. Murder should be illegal. Therefore, abortion should be illegal” leaves out the controversial premise “abortion is murder.”

  • Ad hominem – The arguer attacks the character of their opponent rather than discussing the issue at hand. For example, claiming, “You don’t know anything about climate change, you’re too young and inexperienced” avoids engaging with the hypothetical young person’s argument by dismissing it based on their youth.

  • Straw man – The arguer takes another’s argument, extends it to an extreme, and then easily dismisses it. This makes it seem as if the arguer succeeded in defeating the original argument, but they have only torn down the extended version of it. For example, the claim “My opponent wants to reduce carbon emissions. Clearly, what he really wants is to ban all cars and shut down factories” takes a reasonable argument (reduce carbon emissions) and blows it up into an extreme not found in the original argument (banning all cars and shutting down factories).



PART TWO

DOMAIN-SPECIFIC SKILLS

1. APPLICATIONS

Now that we’ve covered some general critical thinking skills, let us turn to Willingham’s plan to teach domain-specific skills. The first step is to identify what critical thinking means for anarchists. So, what should anarchists be able to do with their thinking? While this list is by no means exhaustive, below are some ideas.

Power & Hierarchy

Key to an anarchist evaluation of the existing social norms is the identification of existing hierarchies. After all, one of the core axioms of anarchism is that people have no obligation to follow those in power (Crowder, 2005). This set of skills may include spotting classism/racism/sexism/ableism, identifying structural violence, and recognizing cults of personality. Bonus points for assessing the role of police, politicians, and judges in perpetuating injustice.

Economics

Economic theory is one of the cornerstones of anarchist thought. It is not only important to learn and understand anarchist models (anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-communism, etc.) but also to study the captalist model that anarchism is working to overthrow. Skills in this area include the ability to discover and analyze labor exploitation and the basic knowledge required to understand the foundations of neoliberalism, communism, and socialism.

Media

Media can be both a tool of the state and a source of the truth. On the one hand is the corporate media that, as Peter Gelderloos has pointed out, exists only to “fatten the wallets of their executives and shareholders” and maintain social control (2004). On the other is, well, this zine! Skills in this area include identifying propaganda, discovering the sources behind specific information and narratives, and uncovering media bias in all of its forms (cf. Chomsky & Herman, 2002).

Organization

What’s the point of being an anarchist if you aren’t willing to act? Critical thinking skills in this area include identifying methods to engage with activists in other spheres, organizing protests, and advocating for alternative systems. Also included in this area are skills related to the history and praxis of anarchism, especially learning from past and present successes and failures.

2. CONTENT

Now that the goals of anarchist thinking have been identified, the second step in the process is to gather the knowledge necessary to reach those goals. Every problem requires the requisite background information in order to solve it. The example Willingham uses is a historical letter: to analyze a letter written by a sergeant before a battle, one needs to know the context in which the letter was written, the role of sergeants in the military, and knowledge of the war in general (2019).

There is quite a bit of knowledge that is necessary for anarchists to think critically. Existing anarchist theory provides a solid foundation: a working knowledge of Bakunin, Kropotkin, Goldman, Zerzan, Marx, and others is _ indispensable. With this theory in hand, anarchists can learn to identify exploitation, material and social inequalities, and the class-based structures inherent to capitalism. An understanding of the ideological details of fascism and other ideologies opposed to anarchism can help with spotting propaganda as well, especially if that propaganda is particularly subtle (it doesn’t have to be the Two Minutes Hate to be propaganda).

Familiarity with politics, news, and world events is also essential. The world has seen a resurgence of right-wing populism recently that is threatening to undermine our collective rights. Any good anti-fascist should be able to discuss why it has arisen and how to address it. Knowledge about the struggles of our trans, gay, disabled, BIPOC, and marginalized brethren is likewise necessary to dismantle the barriers preventing us from full equality.

This list is not complete and is only meant to point critical thinkers in the right direction. Remember, knowledge is power, and power begins with knowledge.



3. SEQUENCE

Willingham’s third step is to identify the order in which skills should be learned. In most subjects, complex knowledge is built on a foundation of more basic information: musicians learn scales before they learn to improvise, artists learn to draw basic shapes before they draw hands, and math students learn algebra before they learn calculus. While this sequence can be flexible (as it should be— everyone learns information differently and at different rates), here is the sketch of a plan.

Phase I: Foundations

This includes learning about the core concepts of anarchism, such as anti-authoritarianism, liberty, solidarity, and direct action. One should practice spotting power structures in daily life, such as police presences and workplace managerial hierarchies. This stage should also include practice identifying common statist and capitalist arguments.

Phase II: Critique

This phase begins applying anarchist ideas from Phase I to real-life situations. It includes critiquing capitalism, the state, and the media, analyzing the successes and failures of historical examples of anarchism, and getting involved in collectives, unions, and other groups in the anarchist milieu.

Phase III: Praxis

This phase is advanced practice. It includes tackling complex debates within anarchism (such as violence vs. pacifism and individualism vs. collectivism), critically assessing both anarchist and non-anarchist movements, evaluating (and originating) tactics for organizing, and creating alternative and anarchist media such as zines, papers, and teachins.



4. REVISIT

Critical thinking is not something that one learns once and can simply use forever. Rather, it takes continual practice to cultivate. Willingham stresses that the fourth step is to revisit each critical thinking skill over time in order to master it. Often times the application of these skills will change, as new questions and problems arise in which they are put into use. It helps, however, to be deliberate about putting these skills into practice.

Engaging with fellow anarchists and others can help to keep critical thinking sharp. Start a reading group to discuss anarchist literature or regularly get together with non-anarchists to debate the merits of decentralized systems. Join a mutual aid organization in order to help others or plan a protest with other activists. The opportunities to interact with others are endless.



Critical thinking skills can be honed individually as well. Regularly challenge your own assumptions and thought processses when considering important questions or problems. Consider alternate scenarios to every solution you find and actively test your ideas in the real world. Resist accepting easy answers, and work to apply anarchist frameworks to daily life (like using prefigurative politics to imagine the world as it could be).



Anarchists often rally a round the slogan “No gods, no masters.” While a great phrase, it shouldn’t mean “no thought” as well. In fact, anarchism demands more thinking in order to work. Willingham may show how critical thinking can be taught, but anarchists must take those skills to go forth and build a world without domination. In order for this guide to be useful, it should be used—so please, go forward and practice these skills (for all of our sakes).



SOURCES

Bailin, 8., Case, R., Coombs, J. R., & Daniels, L. B. (1999). Conceptualizing critical thinking. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 31(3), 285-302. https://doi.org/10.1080/002202799183133

Battersby, M. (2016). Js that a fact? (and ed.). Broadview Press.

Chomsky, N. & Herman, E. S. (2002). Manufacturing consent: The political economy of the mass media (and ed.). Random House, Inc.

Crowder, G. (2005). Anarchism. In E. Craig (ed.), he shorter Routledge encyclopedia of philosophy (pp. 14-15). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780415249126-s003-1

Ennis, R. (1991). Critical thinking: A streamlined conception. Teaching Philosophy, 14/1), 5-24. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137378057_2

Gelderloos, P. (2004, October). Zhe patriarchal science of corporate media. The Anarchist Library. https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/peter-gelderloosthe-patriarchal-science-of-the-corporate-media

Hasher, L., Goldstein, D., & Toppino, T. (1977). Frequency and the conference of referential validity. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 1&1), 107-112. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0022-5371(77)80012-1

Kamm, F. M. (2007). Jntricate ethics: Rights, responsibilities, and permissible harm. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:0so/9780195189698.001.0001

Oswald, M. E. & Grosjean, S. (2004). Confirmation bias. In R. F. Pohl (ed.), Cognitive illusions: A handbook on fallacies and biases in thinking judgement and Iemory (pp. 79-96). Psychology Press.

Sagan, C. (1979). Broca’s brain: Reflections on the romance of science. Ballantine Books.

Sunstein, C. (2005). Moral heuristics. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 2X4), 531542. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.387941

Tversky, A. & Kahneman, D. (1974). Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Science, 18X4157), 1124-1131. https://doi.org/10.21236/ad0767426

Willingham, D. T. (2019). How to teach critical thinking. NSW Department of Education. https://education.nsw.gov.au/content/dam/maineducation/teaching-and-learning/education-for-a-changingworld/media/documents/How-to-teach-critical-thinking-Willingham.pdf

Wednesday, 20 August 2025

Summary of Marx's Capital by A.P. Hazell

 

 

 

Karl Marx's Capital is a lengthy work that has been held up by some as the most important text ever written, and derided as absolute drivel by others, with every view point in between represented by smaller groups. It also has a reputation for being very difficult to comprehend. It's true that academic Marxists have turned "Capital Explained" and "Capital for Dummies" into a lucrative cottage industry. Some of the guides can be very expensive, I guess Capital was an excellent title choice. 

This isn't a new phenomenon, people were explaining what Karl Marx meant while Karl Marx was still alive. There were several officially approved Summaries and commentaries in circulation, Karl Marx personally believed that Carlo Cafiero's 1879 Summary was the best out there. Cafiero was an Italian Anarchist, and his version didn't get translated into English until 2020.

 While reading through a book on British working class literature, it mentioned another early example of an attempt to spread the ideas of Capital throughout the public. This time in the English language, A.P. Hazell's Summary. I wasn't able to find out much information about the author I do not in fact know what the A.P. stood for, nor can I find the first publication. The copy I managed to track down was published in Canada in the early 1900s by the Socialist Party of Canada, I don't have an exact date for publication, but that party was founded in 1904 and disbanded in 1925 and the general remarks sections of the book make no reference to events that happened later than 1910, no commentary on the First World War for example or the Russian Revolution. 

I could find many expensive second hand copies for sale, so will be reproducing my transcription here. My pdf copy was surprisingly legible despite the passage of time, though there were several passages that were faded, requiring some estimations as to the contents. The text is in two parts, the first is an explanation of what Hazell considers the key points of the first Volume of Capital, the second which starts with General Remarks is a borader argument in favour of what is know known as Marxist Social Democracy. Her strategy for transforming capitalist society into a socialist one has aged must worse than the text itself. The strategy she outlines was followed in pretty much all major economies to a greater or lesser degree, and far from increasing class consciousness amongst the masses they stagnated and remain stuck in a cycle of competing styles of capitalistic organisation. Still I find value here as both a time capsule and as a warning for the socialists of today.

  Summary of Marx's Capital by  A.P. Hazell

 

Marx was attracted as a young man to the working class movement which was then fermenting in Germany and throughout the Continent of Europe. In 1848, a now celebrated period in the history of the German workers, the ruling classes were afraid of an actual general revolution, and there was some ground for their alarm, for the young men of broad minds and keen intellect, &among whom was Karl Marx, had been drawn into the revolutionary vortex of the hour.


Marx father, who had formally adopted the Christian religion for political reasons, had great hopes of the future of his son as a government official. Marx, however, pursued a course of his own. He became a press controversialist and agitator, finally accepting the editorship of a revolutionary organ. The police were commissioned to give him no quarter, and he was, consequently, exiled, first from one country and then from another, until he was forced to come to England, where he resided till his death.


Political economy and general philosophy had always been favourite subjects with Marx, and he found his acquaintance with them of invaluable assistance to him in his polemical discussions with the ordinary scribes of the capitalist press. He resolved, at the earliest possible moment, to attack the orthodox economists, and with this aim he published his first criticism on political economy, which, strange to say, has only recently been published in the English language in America.


In his English retreat he further developed his first essay, which he ultimately expanded into his celebrated work, entitled "Capital: An Analysis of the Capitalist System of Production," the latter part of which is not yet printed in English.


The object of this pamphlet is to give a brief outline of the contents of Marx's work, so that the reader may readily see how he deals with the economic problem.


Marx's Proposition.


Is that "Labor is the Source of All Wealth" The true value of a social product he says, is the amount of actual labor It contains, its quantity being measurable by time.


Why one man is poor and another one rich Marx proves to be due to exploitation, which has its genesis in the subjection of man to man, which in time became sanctioned by custom, evolving various social grades of workers, such as we see under feudalism, ultimating in our present complicated capitalist system of free exchange and wage-labor. Men may seem to be free contractors, but they are, in fact, so bound by their economic environment that they are forced to toil as a servile race like chattel slaves and serfs did of old, of whom, indeed, they are the real lineal descendants.



The capitalist system is an embodiment of many other economic systems which have preceded it, and thus we often find social conditions which at first sight appear to be in contradiction to the ordinary laws governing capitalism. In the industrial systems preceding the present, the chief aim of the producers was directed to creating commodities that they might sell them for money to obtain commodities of a different kind for the purpose of consumption. That simple system of exchange has passed away. Producers do not now start creating commodities to get money that they may get other commodities o consume, but they commence with money to create commodities that they may sell them for more money. This new set of conditions is peculiar to the capitalist system. The aim of the capitalists being to turn everything into gold, the production of pure and well-made commodities becomes quite a secondary matter to them.


When “honest" capitalists like John Bright[1] easily convince themselves that adulterated goods and child labor are necessary factors in production we cannot expect unscrupulous capitalists to bother about the evil social conditions or the right of the worker to live, so long as they secure their object — unpaid labor converted into gold. Capitalists are impelled by the stress of economic circumstances to bring everything into the vortex of exchange. Thus things, from articles of virtu[sic] to churches, are placed on the market, and priced so that a portion of the surplus-value created in the workshop may come to them, and add to their pile of wealth. They do not trouble whether this or that Is a commodity pure and simple, so long as it secures them a profit on the transaction. By means of the price form of value all sorts of things and all kinds of services are brought within the commodity world.


What Marx has done for political economy is to analyse the capitalist system, in which labor products are created and exchanged as commodities. He has done so with great precision, showing how It is that the worker is compelled to create wealth for which he gets no equivalent whatever. Why the worker subjects himself to the capitalists and goes working on in his misery, even going so far as to repel those who wish to help him. Is a psychological problem which Marx in his work does not feel compelled to answer; but the lines on which he would answer this problem can be clearly perceived in his materialist conception of history where he states that man's material needs govern both his emotional and intellectual being.


Wealth.


The primary form of wealth Is that of use value — a thing which we appropriate for use. Broadly speaking, anything that we use may be termed wealth. We therefore, have to come to this conclusion, that utility is the substance which converts material things Into wealth; meaning by "substance" the principal element which distinguishes It from other things. It is true that things such as the air and the sea are useful, and from the point of view of strict logic ought to be included in our definition. But air and the sea always remain In the simplest form of wealth, and do not, like minerals for Instance, (pass through phases of development until they become regarded, not only as commodities, but as capital. Society, which does not bother about fine distinctions, turns Its attention to the objects of wealth which it dally handles, leaving exact definition to the professional economist, who, in turn, follows society in its indefiniteness.


Commodity.


In the course of time use-values are not only appropriated from Nature, but are created by man. These latter, therefore, become labor products, as well as being use-values. When man takes to a pastoral life, and then to agricultural pursuits, we have an interchange of superfluous products, which creates barter. The benefits accruing from the exchange of these articles are recognized as being so great that there comes a time when products are specially created for the purpose of exchange. It is natural that if a community grows things for Its own consumption and also for the purpose of exchange it should invent a term to distinguish the latter. We might call them either exchange or market products, but society has determined in the name of its economists to call them commodities. It will help us if we are careful in noting how the distinction arises between one form of wealth and that of another, and the reason why. For Instance, why does a labor product become a commodity? — To denote a given usage to which a labor product is put, namely, that of being placed on the market for the purpose of exchange Instead of being used for home consumption In the ordinary way. Usage, then, by means of exchange, converts a labor product into a commodity, and usage likewise performs the same office for the commodity by changing It into money.


Money.


We come to the next development In the form of wealth— that of money.


We see that a commodity is a labor product put to a certain use. Now, money, in its turn, is also a commodity put to a given use, and to denote this usage it is called money. Let us proceed carefully, for if we miss understanding how money comes into existence, we cannot claim to know much of economics. When communities exchanged their labor products they had to barter. If they grew corn, they had to calculate, when they bartered, in this way: So much corn is worth so much salt, so many cattle, so many skins. But this form of calculation is a tedious method. Custom soon found It easier to reverse the process, making everything worth so much corn. Corn and cattle and skins have each been money in their time. And why? Because, being the most staple articles produced, they in the natural order of things became used for the purpose of reckoning. Money, then, is a commodity used for the purpose of reckoning the value of other commodities as a medium of exchange.


When we say salt is worth so much butter, we accept butter as representing value, and salt as the one we wish to measure. Marx is rather careful in pointing out the relations of this transaction, and he characterises one commodity as occupying the relative form of value, and the other the equivalent form of value, which corresponds to the position of two things we weigh In our instance the butter would correspond to the weight and the salt to the article we wish to weigh. The equivalent is the one we accept as representing value, and our object is to find the relative value of the other. From this equivalent form arises what we now term the money-form of the commodity.


Usage determines whether one commodity or another shall be money. The commodity selected for the purpose of reckoning naturally begets a social importance, for anyone who has money can exchange it, as it is accepted as a universal equivalent for every commodity brought to market. To recount: We have, first of all, use-value, then labor-product, then market-product or commodity, then money, and now we come to the next form of wealth — capital. As we have seen, a commodity put to a certain usage becomes money; now, money, in its turn, also gets put to a certain usage, and gets a particular name — that of Capital.


The money-commodity being recognized as the universal equivalent and medium of exchange, and therefore possessing considerable social advantages over any kind of commodity, everyone has need to command a certain quantity of it, and is prepared on occasions to give something to those who will loan it — thus we get usury, or interest. Then, as society evolves and commerce becomes prevalent, merchants find themselves compelled to start production or a business with money. Their object is to make more money out of the transaction, but they do not like the odium attached to those who make money by loans, which Is called interest, so they call their increase of money, profit. Money used for the purpose of begetting profit is now called capital. Let us again review the progress made. We have firstly, use-value, then labor-product, then commodity, then money, then capital. Capital under these conditions possesses the attributes of money of a commodity, of a labor product, and of a use-value combined. Thus capital is wealth, money is wealth, a commodity is wealth, a labor-product is a wealth, a use-value is wealth.



Use-Value, Exchange-Value, and Value.



After defining wealth we come to a disquisition on the most difficult subject of political economy, over which professors discuss without ceasing. But we need not be troubled. Professors of economy want an explanation which accords with their preconceived views, and one which justifies social inequalities; whereas we only want an explanation in accordance with facts. If we care-fully follow the analysis of value, we shall find that it is so easy that we shall be somewhat chagrined at ever imagining it difficult.


We have three values to examine. Two of them are of the concrete order, one of the abstract. But do not be alarmed by the terms of “concrete” and “abstract”. They are terms easily mastered. We arrive at the abstract through the concrete. Take man as an illustration. Our experience tells us of white, red and black men. Our power of reflection informs us that if we abstract whiteness, redness, or blackness, man is still left. Man is an abstract conception; a black, a white, or a red man is a concrete conception. A thing, it is plain, is in the concrete when it has attributes; in the abstract when in imagination all attributes are abstracted and only one substance left. Let us not forget this.


Use-value and exchange-value are concrete or particular forms of value, and come first in point of experience, but our purpose will be better served by examining value in the abstract. Now, what does value express? A comparison. If I say what is the value of your watch as compared with my chain, it is equal to saying what amount of a given substance is there in your watch as compared with the same substance in my chain? It by comparison of two quantities expressed in a given substance are compelled to assent that value is a quantitative relation. They are so in obedience to psychological law, for the human mind is subject to physical law like all other physical things. Marx to illustrate his point, takes the question of weight. When we weigh things, we compare, and our comparison is one of quantity in a given gravitating substance. How do we weigh articles? By ascertaining their gravitative force, usually by a pair of scales. The articles we compare must both have one substance, the property of weight. There would be no comparison if we compared the sound of a gramophone with the brass weight. It is clear then, when we analyse a value relation our task is to find the substance by means of which we compare? Our present task is to find the substance of exchange-value. We have acknowledged that a commodity is our unit of capitalist wealth and our comparison is, therefore, between two commodities which takes place at the point of exchange because it is there the equation is made. We produce commodities, and then distribute by means of exchange. Our method of distribution thus compels us to find the exchange-value. We can agree without argument that the value-substance is in the commodities before we exchange and compare them, just as the weight is in a cabbage, and in the iron or brass weights before we put them into the scales. From this circumstance we call exchange-value an objective relation because the object is there in the commodities in front of us, and all that is required Is to measure It. By common consent there are two substances only by which the value of commodities can be expressed— utility and labor. Of course, we can have as many values as we can find substances to make a comparison. Thus we can have bread values, cloth values, land values without number. But for general purposes we can include these in one category, and call them use-values, or things of utility, as they can all be ranged under this title, so for the purpose of argument we can agree that our substance must be either utility or labor. How do we test utility? At the point of exchange? No. We can only test it by means of consumption. We realize the utility or usevalue of a pair of boots by wearing them. Sugar is useful to me because it is sweet, and I test it by tasting it or consuming it— not by exchanging It. Utility is evidently of a subjective character, varying with the taste of each individual. I like acid drops you prefer cloves. The utility of the two depends on our tastes. It is evident that utility has to be discarded as the substance of exchange-value because it cannot become manifest at the point of exchange. If utility was the test of value, a man ought to pay more for a loaf when he was hungry than when satisfied, but the price of a loaf remains the same whether a man is hungry or not. Exchanging a thing does not tell us its utility that as we see, depends upon its consumption, so we have to fall back upon the only alternative— labor.


Can we measure labor at the point of exchange? Yes, by means of labor-time. Ascertain the time taken to produce two commodities, and we know their relative exchange-value. And this quality tallies with market valuations. Reduce the labor in a commodity by means of some labor-saving contrivance, and the price falls. Let conditions change, and more labor be expended on it then the price rises.

Marx, in dealing with this question of value, made an important discovery, which forms the greatest contribution to political economy since the time of Aristotle— namely, that of reducing labor to the abstract. The different kinds of labor are too numerous to count, but we can view them in the abstract as one product- human energy. Thus when we compare commodities, we compare them as products of human energy, and not as samples of carpentry and shoe-making labor— a fact which had escaped previous economists.


So far as creating value is concerned, then, one man creates as much value as another, and on the basis of equal labor time equal value, Socialists rest their argument of social equality.


Price Form Value


Briefly put, an exchange of two commodities is an exchange between labor; we are, however, confronted with this fact, that the market does not say that a commodity is worth so much labor, but it is worth so much money. This brings us to the price-form of value.


In dealing with wealth, we saw that a commodity had to be selected to measure other commodities. And that every commodity, as a consequence, had to assume the money-form of wealth. We do not under capitalism measure things directly by labor time, the true standard, but by their price. If we consider a moment we shall realise that exchange value can have no direct time standard. For how is the market to know the exact time that one manufacturer takes to produce a commodity as compared with another. Besides, manufacturers are very secretive as to their methods of production. The consequence is that the market has to fall back upon the price-value-form of the articles, such price being settled by higgling or competition. We are so used to pricing things that we never consider what it means, and we do not suppose one in a thousand could explain it if asked. Yet it is very simple. We say boots are worth half-a-sovereign. How do we mentally arrive at that and conform to all the conditions attached to value? Why we turn our boots, by imagination, into a piece of gold, then we compare it with a sovereign. As soon as our boots assume the gold form, the rest is easy. We can compare the two pieces of gold by their weight. And that is what really happens. We fulfil by this method all the conditions attached to value. By reducing all commodities to gold, we reduce them to gold-labor and though we may not precisely know the time taken to produce half a sovereign, we know collectively considered, that the time taken to produce one half- sovereign is equal to that of any other. The price-form measures two quantities by one substance, by means of their weight, and this is how the capitalist system arrives at the value of commodities. Weight becomes thus the standard of price, and price becomes the exponent of exchange-value. Now price being an ideal or imaginary form of value, is also subject to the vagaries of the imagination, and thus we price the value of honesty, and all sorts of absurd things which are really not commodities. Such things often disturb the student of economy. By studying the price-form of value, however, we get an explanation of many seeming anomalies which arise out of the complex social relations going on around us. Take, for instance, the sale of sites. Why does a piece of land fetch such a high price in the City compared with other situations? Because the City represents a place where business can be done on a large scale. There a greater quantity of profit can be realised, and a buyer is glad to pay $5,000 that he may enjoy $10,000 which the site enables him to secure. Thus there arise discrepancies between price and value, similarly as between price of production and the cost of production.


But we are digressing. Before dealing with cost of production, we have to deal with surplus-value, and to do that we must analyse constant and variable capital, labor and labor-power, then we can return to price of production and cost of production.


Capital.


For the better analysis of capital, Marx divides capital into two divisions— constant and variable. These respectively represent the means of production and wages. The reason Marx uses the term "constant," is because anything in the nature of plant cannot alter its value when transformed or changed into another product. For instance, a skin of an animal is worth a sovereign. When converted into a rug, the skin, by itself, still represents a sovereign, neither more nor less. The same argument applies to a building, a machine, or any other instrument of production. The old economists used to divide capital into many divisions. They would put a building in one category, because it was a long time circulating, and they put seeds and such-like things in another category because they circulated quicker. These latter divisions are really useless. What concerns us is whether that portion merged in the new product alters its value. Marx points out that instruments of production do not change their value when transformed into a commodity. That is if a capitalist buys a machine worth a thousand pounds, it can only impart the value of a thousand pounds, and whether this value is imparted in one year or ten makes no difference from its value point of view; and he, therefore, applies the term constant to this form of capital— constant, because i has no power to expand its value.


With regard to wage-labour, or labour-power, Marx shows that its value changes when it is transformed into a commodity. Thus a man who sells his labour-power for a given sum imparts three or four times its value into a commodity and for this reason he calls that portion of capital which is spent in wages variable capital, as it increases its value when embodied in a product.


Labour-Power and Labour[2].


We have already touched upon labour. Upon analysing it, we find we require three terms to express its variable phases, (l) One to express labour as stored up in a man's body; (2) one to express its activity; (3) one to express its embodiment in a commodity. Generally only one is used which has led to some confusion in ideas. Marx observed this, and he introduced the word labourpower, meaning the power to labour. It is this power to labour which the workers sell to the capitalist ill exchange for a wage. Firstly labour-power is the crystallised energy of the worker; secondly, labouring or working expresses the expenditure of this crystallised energy; and thirdly, labour expresses the embodiment of this energy in the product. The only evidence we have of expended labour is, of course, the objective form of the commodity. We know that a chain has labour embodied in it because of its form. Now labour, like value, must, also be looked at from the quantitive and the qualitative standpoint. When we regard labour as human energy only, we ignore its qualitative side.


Objection is often taken to Marx reducing all lands of labour to one given quality, and only counting them as simple energy. The objectors are not very logical, however, for they never object to the capitalist doing the same thing under the price form. The capitalist, when he sells a commodity, never thinks about the various kinds of labour in it. He calculates them all in gold, which is only stating that every commodity is equal to gold, and therefore to gold-labour, to affirm which is equal to saying that there is only one quality of labour- which, in the eyes of orthodox economists, is Marx’s greatest sin.


Surplus-Value.


We have now to deal with surplus-value. Marx means by this term the difference between the cost of labour-power and the value it creates. The worker toils 48 hours. His wages represent twelve hours, the 36 hours represent surplus-value. Or it can be put in another way. A number of men are agriculturists. Their labour-power costs £100. The products of their labour are put on the market and realise £400— a difference of £300, which is the measure of their exploitation. The same argument applies to other industries. If a man produces the equivalent of his wages in the first three hours of his day's work, it is plain that if he work twelve hours he is exploited of nine hours' labour. The latter portion, therefore, represents unpaid labour, or surplus-value. By this means the capitalist not only gets an equivalent for the wages he disburses as variable capital, but an addition, which enables him to add to his plant and to live in luxury. Millionaires accumulate their hoards because they tap or get tribute from a great number of workers, or draw from a surplus fund which has already been accumulated by other capitalists, as on the Exchange Market. Surplus-value, be it noted, is a subsidiary form of value. The capitalist enters into production, and he purchases machinery, plant, and labour-power, which represent so much value. When he places his commodities on the market he realises more value than their cost of production. That part of value which the capitalist gets for nothing, and on which his class and the aristocratic classes fatten is surplus-value, or unpaid labour. Value is a general term, used as an equivalent to express the whole of the time worked on a commodity; surplus-value is that portion of the time for which no equivalent is given.


By analysing the returns of the income-tax, various economists show that the value received by the working-class and the superintendents of labour amount to a third or less of the wealth produced. The income-tax returns, however, are not a very reliable test of the degree of exploitation, though, of course, they afford us valuable and incontestable evidence that the worker does not receive more than a third of what he produces. One to four, or one to five, in my opinion, expresses more accurately the rate of exploitation.


Price of Production”- “Cost of Production.”


In our examination of the price-form of value, it was shown clearly that the price of a thing did not necessarily correspond to the exact amount of labour embodied in it, although in the mass prices would do so. Some people imagine that there is no limit to prices, forgetting that price at bottom is a labour estimate of one commodity with another. A little thought will show that the sum of prices cannot exceed the hours of labour. For instance, if the gold commodity on which prices are based represent 100 million pounds because it takes 100 million days to produce it, and the rest of commodities represented one thousand millions on the same basis, then it would be useless for individuals to estimate their commodities beyond the 1,100 millions minus 1, as there would be no products to represent their price value.


The high prices of pictures and objects of virtu, etc., are often a source of perplexity to the student. We can only observe here that the accumulation of surplus value in the hands of a small class enables individuals to indulge in peculiar ways to ostentatiously display their wealth in order to gain the homage of the people or excite the envy of their fellows. Thus one man will give fabulous sums for special pictures, and another will do the same for old china. Such prices may increase as the mass of surplus value increases in the hands of these individuals.


“Price of production” corresponds to the market price, and the market price corresponds to the money-value of the article. “Cost of production” represents the amount of actual labor embodied in an article. “Price of production” represents its money value in the market in accordance with the historic development of capitalist prices. To recapitulate: society creates so many commodities, expending on their production so many hours of labor, the latter being their real cost of production. But when they are placed upon the markets, the number of hours does not tally with individual commodities. Some commodities with ten hours of labor may actually sell at the same price as those containing two hours of labor.


“Cost of production” and “price of production” are often used as synonymous terms, which leads to confusion. Marx in some of his writings, as for instance in “Wage-Labor and Capital,” leaves the reader in doubt sometimes as to the interpretation he wishes to put upon the phrase, “cost of production.” For the above reasons, I have accentuated the difference between the two phrases.


The “composition” of capital expresses the relation between the variable and constant capital, both the later altering as the conditions of production vary. For instance, the adoption of a new invention in machinery in a given industry may cause less wages to be paid, and more material to be used. This at once alters the composition of the capital in that industry. The most advanced industries are those which have most successfully reduced the amount of variable capital, representing wages, and increased that of constant capital, representing plant and materials. By studying the variations in the composition of capital, we see how the labor-time may change in one commodity as compared with another, though prices remain the same. To illustrate this, let us for argument’s sake assume that two capitalists deal with each other and exchange equally on the basis of 100 hours in their particular commodities. One of the capitalists reduces the labor-time taken to produce his commodity to 75 hours, and keeps this advantage for years, with no variation in his price. The other capitalist only gets the product of 75 for his 100. as time progresses, however, the other capitalist suddenly reduces the hours taken to produce his commodities to one-half, thus turning the tables on his fellow capitalist. It may happen that both of them may be unconscious of the economic conditions which have determined the price of their goods with each other. Competition, of course, comes in here as a regulating factor sooner or later.


Social conditions, it is evident, may enable one given capital to draw more products from the market in exchange than it is entitled to, for a long period of time, but the gain of one involves loss to another. Readers will see that underlying these two forms of capital, constant and variable, endless changes are possible, both in price and labor time, labor remaining the governing factor all the while.


General Rate of Profit.


Marx deals with these variations represented in price of production under the heading of "General Rate of Profit." For example: a capitalist invests his capital with a view of obtaining on it the highest rate of profit possible. Having done so, he quickly finds that competition compels him to alter the proportion of capital spent in plant, and that disbursed in wages. He is compelled to introduce machinery, which, of course, adds proportionately to his raw material and general plant. His wages bill may by this means become less, though his absolute amount of capital remains the same, or more, as necessity compels. The consequence is that the proportion of money spent in plant and in wages in the production of various commodities varies greatly in the course of capitalist development. All industries are subject to changes in the composition of their capital. First it is one and then another which takes the lead. These variations in the composition of capital of different commodities have a tendency to equalise. Marx takes up five of the most important industries, and demonstrates that their variation results in an average which, in a remarkable manner, shows how their price of production, when massed, conforms to their cost of production.


That the price of commodities gravitates to their labour-value is shown by the fact that, given their composition of capital, their price falls with the diminution of labor-time taken to produce them, and the converse happens when the time taken to produce them increases. Labor becomes therefore, the regulating factor of “Price of production”.


Marx then proceeds to elaborate this argument.
He goes on to say that if we look around we shall find evidence of certain commodities in a sufficiently primary stage of production to show that labor-time is the basis of their exchange. For instance, the products of a peasant proprietary more approximately exchange according to their real value than the fully-developed capitalist ...[3] of commodities. Again, when hand labor was predominant, products naturally conformed to their labor-time. Special work, however, would evolve special tools, instruments, and machinery, and with this specialisation of tools, capital spent in plant and material would necessarily increase as compared with the capital spent in wages. The purchases of improved instruments and machinery would, from the point of view of capital expended, require the same profit on the money disbursed in machinery as if it were spent on labor, and thus a difference is set up which varies with the development of each particular industry.


The application of scientific methods and invention increases the productivity of labor, but very little indeed of this productiveness goes to the owner of labor-power. A certain number of workers, it is true, receive a higher rate of pay as superintendents, but that is accounted for by the fact that they relieve the capitalist of the onus of superintendence. Every invention, every improvement in production, goes to the capitalist, and thus the worker becomes relatively exploited more and more as capitalism progresses.


The proletarian (or man with not capital) sells his labor at its cost of production, which represents his standard of comfort. To account for the differences in the price of labor-power we have, as before intimated, to go back into history. The difference is founded on physical force, and commenced with the time when man forced his fellow-woman and fellow-man into slavery by the power of the sword. Exploitation commenced with slavery, was continued with serfdom, and is now being perpetuated by capitalism in the form of wage-slavery. Custom and convention caused men to acquiesce in their slavery and serfdom, and the same habit of though possesses the wage slave, who now looks upon his wage-slavery as a natural method of reward. Unhappily the principle of competition, which drives the wheel of capitalism, is compared by the worker to the natural law of the survival of the fittest in Nature, and he has come to regard his servile position as being in accordance with natural causes, and not due to artificial law created by man.


The law of the rate of profit, while it explains the process of the differences in the prices of production, does not, of course, account for all the various methods of distribution of wealth. The arbitrary distribution of wealth commenced, as we see, with the subjection of man. The men of the sword made the laws in conformity with their interests, and to this day their descendants hold command of the Law Courts, the Army and Navy, and of the Government, which they use as a means of rewarding their own class. These men have ever exacted a tribute in the form of labour or rent, and with the development of the capitalist system they manage to extort their share of surplus-value. The new money Prince, Capital, has secured equal rights with the feudal lord, but the capitalist has not yet displaced him. He prefers to share with him the power to control the destinies of the social bees, to whom they allow a little that they may be robbed of much.


Owing to the “splendid” organisation of our “captains of industry”, each one producing blindly against the other, there is always going on a see-saw between supply and demand. Some economists recognize that though at times there may be a considerable disturbance caused in production by lack of supply or over-production, yet that over a given time supply and demand equal to each other. John Stuart Mill went so far as to say that economists might always assume, in considering value, that supply and demand equated each other. This view has not altogether had the unqualified assent of the ordinary capitalist economist. Unlike John Stuart Mill, he has an axe to grind. He finds that the difference in supply and demand acts as a very convenient cover under which he may explain variations in prices and justify social inequalities.


Supposing, however, that value is governed by supply and demand, then it follows that value is dependent upon the difference between the two, and when they are equal, commodities have no value because there is no difference to express it. Thus Marx very pertinently asks: When supply and demand are equal, what governs their value? This question has never been answered. The capitalists, who kindly undertake for our advantage the industrial organisation of the community, would, if they knew their business, keep supply and demand at an equation, for that is their business. Poor Ruskin, who was not a business man, once said it was their “duty”. If capitalists should by any chance become more efficient in their business, this question put by Marx will become still more urgent, and out orthodox economists ought not to delay furnishing an answer to the question. Surely half a century ought to be long enough for learned professors of economy to answer such a simple query.


Economic Rent.


The classical definition of economic rent given by Ricardo is now generally accepted by orthodox economists. He describes it as being “that portion of the product of the earth which is paid to the landlord for the use of the original and indestructible powers of the soil”.


Marx, in dealing with the subject, points out that economic rent so-called is the outcome of special social relations peculiar to the capitalist system. What Ricardo failed to see was that, under capitalism, land as a factor of production, becomes capitalised according to its labor-saving attributes. Land which requires less labor to produce a given product than that of an inferior quality, is capitalised as being so much more valuable than the latter. Thus one acre may be valued at as much as four of another quality.


Ricardo, in common with other classical economists, overlooked the fact that the capitalist is not so much concerned about the fertility of a given piece of land as he is to secure a given rate of profit on his capital. The latter is prepared to pay a certain price for on acre, or, failing that, the same for four acres, as the case may be, so long as he gets his usual rate of interest on his invested capital. Fertility of the soil is thus of secondary importance to that of profit to the capitalist. It often happens that an acre of land which will produce 24 bushels of wheat upwards may be less profitable to the capitalist than one which produces only 12 bushels, the former, in consequence, being compelled to fall out of cultivation. In fact, experience tells us that the less fertile soil of America competes out of the market the more fertile soil of England.


Economic rent is dependent on the amount of profit secured by the exploitation of labor. This view of the matter explains away the apparent anomaly of inferior soils competing out of the market superior soils. For example: A capitalist farmer employs a given quantity of capital on a fertile soil near a market, and realises a profit. The landlord raises his rent accordingly. The farmer, as greedy as the landlord, soon tires of paying a tribute to his landlord in the form of economic rent, so-called. He shifts his capital to America, and employs it on less fertile soil than before, actually obtaining a higher profit on his capital. The reason is that a twenty-acre field in America under present social conditions turns out to be a more profit-making factor, requiring less labor and capital, than a ten-acre field in England, although the latter may be twice as fertile. Rent, it is plain, is not based on the difference between the fertility of the soil, but upon the fact whether the soil is a better instrument for the exploitation of labor with a given amount of capital.


The Ricardian theory pre-supposes land which pays no rent, which is an absurdity. It also ignores the fact that the fertility of land is not inexhaustible, and that its fertility has to be renewed by the application of labor.


The Marxian theory that rent is unpaid labor covers all the phenomena connected with land. The farmer pays rent for land, so that he may employ labor and exploit it; but he cannot do this without entering into social relations with the landlord. The particular social relations with the landlord. The particular social relation that binds the farmer to the landlord is the landlord’s proprietary right in the soil which enables him to exact a toll of the surplus-value the farmer gets from his laborers.


The same social relation which demonstrates that economic rent is a tax on labor also applies to the rent of sites. A high rent is exacted from tenants near a market town or city because the landlord sees his opportunity of participating in the profits secured by the occupier. Rent, under such circumstances, will rise with the profits secured by the tenant.


Those who wish to study the question further should read “Economics of Socialism”, by H.M. Hyndman, and Marx’s “Poverty of Philosophy”.


General Remarks.


Marx at some length shows how the principle of exchange, when arrived at a given stage of development, overcomes all obstacles to its progress. The old system of feudalism, with its cumbersome methods of production, gives way to the labor-saving appliance and improved method of distribution which capital enables to be introduced. Serfs as free laborers are more profitable as artisans and factory hands, and feudalism passes away to return no more. But this increase of production does little to improve the workers’ position. The wealth they produce goes in the hands of the capitalist and those of the aristocratic class, the latter still retaining its grip on a great portion of wealth produced under the superintendence of the capitalist. The accumulation of wealth is aided by the law of competition both capitalist and worker having to bow before it. The capitalist has to compete to secure the market, which he does by lowering the cost of his commodity, and the worker has to compete with his fellows for the right to labor. As the market expands, it becomes possible for large capitalists to cheapen production by increasing their machinery and buying in larger quantities, and by specialisation of labor, to compete the smaller holders of capital out of the market. Hence we get the company form, and then a combination of companies into combines and trusts, the greatest examples of which we see in America, in the Rockefeller’s oil and steel trusts. Competition leads to monopoly, and is a refined form of conflict similar to that which takes place in brute evolution. It is only a matter of time for all industries to develop into the trust form. These, in their turn, will compete, as science can often destroy one industry and give rise to another, and thus assist continuos competition and friction. We have here sketched the natural law of direct evolution of the trust, but, as M. Lefage, the French naturalist, warned Darwin, we must not dogmatise on direct descent in physical evolution, so must we be careful not to dogmatise too much on the direct development of all industries into the trust form, for it is possible that many of the industries may never reach this stage of the ripe trust, they coming under the influence of, and developing under other laws – the laws of collectivism and co-operation set up by society itself in opposition to capitalist individualism. The triumph of the company, the combine and trust is also a victory for the law of collectivism, for the amalgamation brings into one combination competing capitals, and then separate establishments, thereby economising labor and capital. This amalgamation of capital and consequent growth of collectivism become, equally with the latter, a triumph for co-operation.


As capital increases, it continues to bring under one roof a greater number of workers who, instead of competing for the market under various capitalists, now co-operate under one capital, and with further accumulation of capital, there correspondingly grow collectivism and co-operation which are the antitheses of competition and of capitalism.


Capitalism, and its dominance over the forces of industry, appear so great that it overshadows all other forces which are growing up silently side by side with it. But national and municipal bodies grow up, whose powers and multiplicity of functions increase with time, until we find them coming into conflict with possessors of capital, who openly declare that public bodies are taking up their functions. So great and so powerful have these municipal and national bodies become, that the people are beginning to recognize in them the working forces of collectivism and co-operation which they fail to appreciate under the dominion of the larger capitals. Thus many industries are being taken over by municipal bodies which will prevent them reaching the higher competition stage of the trust form. Under this heading we may instance the supply of water, lighting, housing, and various forms of transit, and we anticipate before long that industries connected with our food supply will be taken up with a view to palliate the miseries which capitalism entails.


Capitalist accumulation will go on increasing, but so will municipal and national production, and with it the class-consciousness of the worker, who will politically support social collectivism for the benefit of his class. There can be but one issue- victory for the people.


And what does this victory mean? – Universal co-operation, securing the well-being of every individual. At the present hour it is calculated that the wealth of the United Kingdom exceeds 2,000 millions per year. This divided among 40 millions gives £250 per family. It is said that the abolition of waste labor and the conscription of the idle classes would quadruple the production. £1,000 per year per family is a very good standard of comfort under a co-operative system of living.


Universal co-operation with an assured subsistence for all means the abolition of classes and the establishment of social equality.


Much of the opposition to Marx’s teachings arises from his triumphant claim that the substance of value is labor denuded of the Fabians’ rent of ability. Men and women like to dominate and keep others in subjection to them. An assured subsistence to all means that no one will place himself in a servile position to another, and this accounts for the opposition of those whose brute animalism prompts them to oppose a system which offers no prospective pleasure for the exercise of those propensities acquired in an age of animalism.


A great deal is made by Marx’s opponents of the claim that the differences in individual talent ought to correspond with their share of material products. The answer to this is that each social economic unit equals each other, and that all healthful men and women possess faculties, when trained, which will enable them to produce more than sufficient for their wants. Thus it would be idle to give a man more than he needs, which would be the case if differences in the award of wealth were made according to supposed talent.


With the abolition of social inequality will also come the abolition of those physical and intellectual differences which are so marked to-day. As soon as society feeds, clothes, and carefully educates its members, it will at once tend to restore a physical and mental equilibrium between its members. The individuality of its members will be maintained by the special cultivation of a given number of their faculties in the following of certain pursuits in arts, science, or philosophy, as the cause may be. Thus we shall, comparatively speaking, secure in the future a race of healthy giants, whose individuality will consist in the specialised culture of their intellect, which, in its turn, will form the basis of an intellectual individualism upon which the future progress of society may securely rest.


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in giving our concluding remarks, we cannot impress upon the reader too much that to understand Marx thoroughly, great attention must be given to the price-form of value, for we believe it was through his patient study of the money-form of commodities that Marx conquered all the difficulties attending his analysis of the capitalist system. The conclusion forces itself upon one when reading his first work, “Economique Critique”.


His philosophical studies convinced him that an exchange of two commodities implied an equation. Exchange-value to Marx, like all other comparisons, resolved itself into a quantitative relation in the terms of a given substance. These facts were already apprehended, though imperfectly, by the classical economists. Experience forced them to consider labor as the substance of value; but to exalt labor was to depreciate capital, and condemn profit, so they fell back on the shibboleths of “supply and demand”, “economic rent”, “the reward of abstinence”, “rent of ability”, etc., to justify the exploitation of labor.


Marx, of course, had still to explain how one commodity with many hours of labor came to exchange with a commodity containing less.


To say that labor, governed by time, is the substance of exchange-value, is to assert that one hour’s labor is equal to that of any other, and to affirm that the amount of labor in a shilling’s worth of ordinary matches is the same as that contained in a shilling toy at a West End bazaar, when it is patent to all that the matches represent at least ten times as much labor as the other.


Furthermore, labor-power being a commodity, that also should, approximately at least, attain to an even price, whereas it varies as 1 to 100.


These facts seemed to destroy the basis of Marx’s labor equation, which implied a determination of equal quantities.


The price-form of value solved this difficulty for Marx, for it showed him that it turned all commodities into imaginary pieces of gold, and then measured them by means of their weight. An ounce of gold is equal to that contained in any other. The price-form of commodities, notwithstanding any variation in their cost of production measured by labor, conforms to all the conditions laid down by the laws governing comparisons, and enabled Marx to sustain his proposition that labor was the substance of exchange-value.


The price-form of value solves many difficulties. Marx, by studying the effect that the amount of interest, or, as he calls it, “the rate of profit”, had upon the price of commodities, coupled with the variations between “constant” and “variable” capital in the development of an industry, discovered the key to these seeming anomalies. Capitalists, says Marx, enter into production to get profit or interest on money. It is a matter of indifference to them whether they spend their money on machinery or on labor so long as they get a return in the form of interest. To beat a competitor they spend more money in machinery and plant, and less in labor. They produce quicker, and with less labor, a given commodity. Its price, however, may still remain for some time approximately the same. However this may be, there is set up a great difference between the amount of labor in that as compared with other commodities. Competition equates many of these differences, and in the process of time these commodities become fixed in price, and maintain a given proportion or disproportion of labor, as the case may be. These disparities between the labor-time contained in commodities are also reflected in the price of labor-power, which is explained best by considering the origin of the differences in the price of labor. To reduce the differences of labor-time which lay hidden in the price-form of commodities, we must go back to the first form of exploitation -that of slavery- before the price-form of value existed.


Slaves are equal producers with their masters in the first instance. The only difference between slave and owner is that the slave has to be content with a portion of what he produces, the other going to keep his master. In time, when slaves become numerous enough, their surplus product becomes divided between the family and individuals who assist in maintaining the slaves in subjection. The number of this exploiting class depends upon the number of slaves. The number of idlers who live upon slaves must necessarily be small as compared with the producers. When slaves become serfs, the same principle of exploitation continues. There grow up, of course, ever so many more grades of workers and shirkers, whose powers over consumption express their power to exploit their fellows. When the conditions of production, exchange, and capitalism become supreme, those who have control over the means of production pay their serfs wages instead of allowing them to produce their own subsistence and then work for their serf lords. Those serfs who have been allowed as artisans, retainers, and superintendents, to have a greater share over consumption than wage-slaves, receive as wages the equivalent of what they had in the past secured, and thus the social inequalities and evils of exploitation attached to slavery and serfdom are handed down to the present day. Convention sanctions the power of the sword, on which slavery and serfdom are based. Men now receive as wages not what they earn, but what they can secure as remuneration, governed by the social influence they have in society. The aristocracy control the land, the capitalists the plant and machinery, and between the two are divided all the political forces and also control over the Army and Navy and Law. Thus the price of labor is a reflex of the exploitation by force which was carried on under slavery. So many men work so many hours, and produce a given quantity of wealth. Society allows their products to be divided up by individuals or classes of individuals, according as they claim it under the form of rent, interest and profit, or cost of subsistence. Because one man has a power over consumption equal to £100, and another equal to £10, it does not follow that the former produces more or that the latter produces less than the other; the question is not one of earning, but social power over consumption. On an average all produce the same. Any variation over command of wealth is due to forces which can only be explained by studying history.


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Marx is also celebrated for his adoption of what is known as the “Materialist conception of history”, by means of which he is said to reduce all men’s activities (including physical, mental and moral) to the forms of production. Very few of Marx’s works are translated into English[4], but we know that Marx was a sociologist, who regarded economics as a branch of that science. He saw that so long as the means of life were held by a class then those dependent on them would within certain limits, be controlled by their economic environment. His book was written with the hope and purpose of freeing society from capitalist domination, and giving it democratic control over its economic forms of production. This view appeals to us as a reasonable and right one, and does not land us in the coils of an absolute economic determinism or economic fatalism, which are only forms resurrected from the study of the absolute.

1British liberal politician and orator, (1811-1889). Spent his career supporting free trade policies including the repeal of the Corn Laws. He also supported political reforms to weaken the power of the aristocracy and enfranchise the middle class.

2Until this point in the text Labour was spelt in the US way `labor` but appears to have switched to British style English.

3Illegible in source text.

4Most English language translations of Marx’s writings come from the Soviet Union after they purchased the complete works of Marx and Engels from exiled leaders of the German Social Democratic Party in the 1930s.

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